15 resultados para atrocity


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Documento acerca de la Intervención Humanitaria de la Doctrina ex post facto y Instituciones Judiciales a la noción de responsabilidad de protección y Preventiva del papel de la Corte Penal Internacional. Lección inaugural como Presidente en Derecho Penal Internacional y Procedimiento Penal Internacional en la Universidad de Utrecht , emitida el 18 de octubre 2010

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This paper will explore re-framing historic atrocity and its relationship to Holocaust and Genocide education. The origins of genocide studies and its links to Holocaust studies will be traced to discuss the impact of new scholarship and framings on genocide education in the classroom.

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This article examines the absence of atrocity in the photographic series The Course of History by the Belgian-born, New York-based photographer Bart Michiels (1964–). It shows, in beautiful, large-format prints, seemingly innocent landscapes and confined views of nature. Only when viewers read the titles of the photographs do they become aware of the violent history of the sites. These turn out to be the fields of fierce European battles such as Verdun, Waterloo and Stalingrad. The present article reviews recent trends towards using place as a motif in contemporary art photography and focuses on the ‘empty’ landscape as a pictorial strategy that opens up a narrative space, one that needs to be completed by the viewer. The absence evoked by the image is treated as antithetical to the conventional ethos of photography, which canonically stands as the evidence of an occurrence.

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Recent terrorist events in the UK, such as the security alerts at British airports in August 2006 and the London bombings of July 2005 gained extensive media and academic analysis. This study contends, however, that much of the commentary demonstrated a wide degree of failure among government agencies, academic and analytic experts and the wider media, about the nature of the threat and continues to distort comprehension of the extant danger. The principal failure, this argument maintains, was, and continues to be, one of an asymmetry of comprehension that mistakes the still relatively limited means of violent jihadist radicals with limited political ends. The misapprehension often stems from the language that surrounds the idea of 'terrorism', which increasingly restricts debate to an intellectually redundant search for the 'root causes' that give rise to the politics of complacency. In recent times this outlook has consistently underestimated the level of the threat to the security of the UK. This article argues that a more realistic appreciation of the current security condition requires abandoning the prevailing view that the domestic threat is best prosecuted as a criminal conspiracy. It demands instead a total strategy to deal with a totalizing threat. The empirical evidence demonstrates the existence of a physical threat, not merely the political fear of threat. The implementation of a coherent set of social policies for confronting the threat at home recognizes that securing state borders and maintaining internal stability are the first tasks of government. Fundamentally, this requires a return to an understanding of the Hobbesian conditions for sovereignty, which, despite the delusions of post-Cold War cosmopolitan multiculturalism, never went away.

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L’Amérique centrale, théâtre des dernières batailles rangées de la guerre froide, est aujourd’hui la région la plus violente au monde, selon les Nations unies. Notre étude s’intéresse à la forme de guerre irrégulière livrée par l’État guatémaltèque contre sa propre population pendant la deuxième moitié du vingtième siècle. À la lumière de rares témoignages d’exécutants et d’archives militaires et policières, nous examinons un mécanisme clandestin de répression dont les trois principales composantes – les enlèvements, la torture et les exécutions sommaires – pouvaient s’abattre sur toute personne soupçonnée, à tort ou à raison, de conspirer contre un statu quo d’exclusion. Au moment de leur articulation, ces moyens répressifs ont constitué un dispositif qui, à partir de 1966, s’est avéré d’une redoutable efficacité. Arme de prédilection des adeptes de la guerre antisubversive pendant plus de vingt ans, le dispositif permettait, telle une chaîne de production, l’accumulation des renseignements jugés indispensables à cette forme de guerre, ainsi que les cadavres dont l’absence éternelle ou la présence outrageuse sur la place publique servaient d’avertissement funeste à l’ensemble du corps social. Où chercher les origines d’un tel dispositif? À partir des ouvrages de référence cités dans le manuel de guerre contre-subversive de l’armée guatémaltèque, la réponse à cette question nous fera découvrir des parachutistes français pour qui la défaite militaire en Indochine et en Algérie pendant les années 1950 n’était pas une option et pour qui la victoire justifiait absolument tous les moyens. Le penchant de ces pionniers de la guerre hors-norme pour les cours magistraux, les entrevues et les articles, nous a permis d’étudier les méthodes qu’ils préconisaient et de repérer leurs traces au Guatemala. Alors que la guerre qui avait servi de prétexte au maintien du dispositif est terminée, sa très réputée efficacité assure encore aujourd’hui sa pérennité auprès de ceux qui peuvent s’offrir le service. En ce sens, la contre-insurrection se poursuit, et ce, malgré l’absence depuis une quinzaine d’années d’un conflit armé. Cette thèse aborde l’histoire de la guerre irrégulière et son déroulement au Guatemala. Les archives et les témoignages à notre disposition contredisent le déni des crimes commis dans les villes et les campagnes guatémaltèques, dont le génocide de 1982. Finalement, certains signes avant-coureurs indiquent que la violence et l’impunité actuelles au pays pourraient mener à la répétition de tels crimes à l’avenir.

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This piece is a contribution to the exhibition catalogue of Barbadian / Canadian artist Joscelyn Gardner's exhibition, 'Bleeding & Breeding' curated by Olexander Wlasenko, January 14-February 12, 2012 in the Station Gallery, Whitby, Ontario, Canada. The piece examines the ways in which Gardner's Creole Portraits II (2007) and Creole Portraits III (2009) issue a provocative and carefully crafted contestation to the journals of the slave-owner and amateur botanist Thomas Thistlewood. It argues that while Thistlewood’s journals make raced and gendered bodies seemingly available to knowledge, incorporating them within the colonial archive as signs of subjection, Gardener’s portraits disrupt these acts of history and knowledge. Her artistic response marks a radical departure from the significant body of scholarship that has drawn on the Thistlewood journals to date. Creatively contesting his narratives’ dispossession of Creole female subjects and yet aware of the problems of innocent recovery, her works style representations that retain the consciousness and effect of historical erasure. Through an oxymoronic aesthetic that assembles a highly crafted verisimilitude alongside the condition of invisibility and brings atrocity into the orbit of the aesthetic, these portraits force us to question what stakes are involved in bringing the lives of the enslaved and violated back into regimes of representation.

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-08

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This article considers some post-Milosevic Serbian responses to the Srebrenica massacre. The focus is on responses which contain strategies of denial or which broadly attempt to explain or justify the massacre without engaging critically with the atrocity itself. These responses are by no means uniform, nor are they the only ones which are available in Serbia. They provide the focus of this article because their presence has usually been misinterpreted as Serbia's failure to come to terms with the past. As this article argues, the existence of denial strategies in politics is predominantly pragmatic, whilst in the media and in private individual narratives are part of a larger process of starting to re-examine the past. This article will focus on several illustrative instances from politics and the media, as well as an individual witness responses, in order to demonstrate the extent to which Srebrenica is still in the process of being understood.

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The 1641 Depositions are testimonies collected from (mainly Protestant) witnesses documenting their experiences of the Irish uprising that began in October 1641. As news spread across Europe of the events unfolding in Ireland, reports of violence against women became central to the ideological construction of the barbarism of the Catholic rebels. Against a backdrop of women's subordination and firmly defined gender roles, this article investigates the representation of women in the Depositions, creating what we have termed "lexico-grammatical portraits" of particular categories of woman. In line with other research dealing with discursive constructions in seventeenth-century texts, a corpus-assisted discourse analytical approach is taken. Adopting the assumptions of Critical Discourse Analysis, the discussion is extended to what the findings reveal about representations of the roles of women, both in the reported events and in relation to the dehumanisation of the enemy in atrocity propaganda more generally. © John Benjamins Publishing Company.

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El propósito de esta monografía es comprender cuál ha sido el rol de la Unión Africana (UA), dentro de la misión de paz AMISOM en el periodo de 2007- 2013. Por ello, el trabajo abarca aspectos geopolíticos e históricos, que han influido en la configuración del conflicto armado de Somalía y que han llevado progresivamente a la creación, evolución e implementación de mecanismos como las misiones de paz. Además, se abarcan los planteamientos del neo-funcionalismo y el neo-regionalismo para comprender las estructuras y las dinámicas propias de la UA y así, comprender la naturaleza tanto de sus acciones, como de sus propósitos; propósitos que aclaman el fomento del panafricanismo. Desde aquí se puede entender como su rol ha contribuido con el crecimiento del mercado de la industria militar en la región, a costa de la responsabilidad de proteger. Por último, se concluye que dichas dinámicas han llevado a la creación de comunidades de inseguridad.