Epicurus’ Apolitical Attitude

Le conseil épicurien d’éviter la participation politique a reçu maintes interprétations, souvent obscures et mal fondées. L’attitude apolitique ne peut être définie comme un simple manque d’intérêt ou de préoccupation pour la politique ; en effet, selon l’opinion de Pierre Hadot, la philosophie ancienne est profondément ancrée dans l’existence et les doctrines philosophiques n’acquièrent de l’importance que lorsqu’elles assistent le praxis. L’attitude d’Épicure est donc enracinée dans le refus de vivre selon des normes prescrites par l’établissement politique. Selon lui, la politique traditionnelle est vouée à l’échec puisqu’elle poursuit aveuglément le pouvoir et la richesse. En réaction à cette situation, Épicure crée une communauté qui instaure de nouvelles valeurs et au sein de laquelle il est possible de vivre conformément à ces nouvelles valeurs. Se situant en totale opposition aux modes de vie les plus fondamentaux de la cité, les adeptes d’Épicure, s’ils participaient à la vie politique, déclencheraient une grande hostilité de la part des partisans des valeurs traditionnelles. Pour cette raison, l’attitude épicurienne peut d’abord représenter une manière d’éviter la persécution politique. De plus, s’il est admis que la politique implique la poursuite du pouvoir, les épicuriens ne peuvent s’y adonner puisque cela serait contradictoire à leur quête d’ataraxie. À tous égards et indépendamment de ces deux motifs justifiant le retrait de la vie politique, il est clair que si l’attitude d’Épicure ne reposait pas sur une conscience politique, alors, ses critiques à l’égard de la vie politique, son désir de s’y soustraire et la création d’une communauté distincte n’auraient pas été. La politique a le pouvoir de profondément modeler la vie des gens. Considérant que ce conditionnement s’appuie sur des valeurs malsaines, le projet épicurien s’applique donc à remodeler, à la lumière de nouvelles valeurs, la vie de ceux qui ne trouvent aucune satisfaction à poursuivre la vie de la cité.

The Core ideas and axioms of classical fascism (1919-1945)

This article presents and explores the axioms and core ideas, or idées-force, of the Fascist ideologies of the first third of the twentieth century. The aim is to identify the features that define the term “Classical Fascism” as a conceptual category in the study of politics and to uncover the core ideas of its political theory. This analysis requires an appraisal of both the idées-force themselves and the political use that is made of them. If these appreciations are correct, Classical Fascism is characterized by a set of ideological and political aims and methods in which ideas, attitudes and behaviours are determined by an anti-democratic palingenetic ultranationalism underpinned by a sacralized ideology; the quest for a united, indissoluble society as apolitical system and, at the same time, the collective myth that mobilizes and redeems the nation; and third, violence as a political vehicle applied unchecked against internal opposition and against external enemies who challenge the nation´s progression towards the dream of rebirth and the culmination of this progression in the form of an empire.

Increasing political returns and rural-urban migrations

This paper analyzes the different equilibria in rural-urban migrationsand political redistribution that result from the interaction betweenincreasing political returns, the distribution of land, and creditmarket imperfections. Governments that put a special weight on thewelfare of urban workers when setting agricultural prices generate apolitical externality in the urban sector, giving peasants anincentive to migrate in anticipation of policy determination. Ifcredit markets are imperfect, land ownership confers higherproductivity to peasants, who require large price changes to migrate.In this context, land inequality would lead to large migrations and tolarge policy change, while an egalitarian land distribution would leadto no migration and to a small policy change. This interaction shedslight on the contrasting experience of Latin America and East Asia atthe outset of World War II.

Animal Lovers, Bridge-Builders, and Supervising Watchdogs: Framing and Civil Society Construction by Japanese Pro-Animal Organizations in the Kansai and Tokyo Areas

Unlike their counterparts in Europe and America, the citizen organizations acting for the well-being of animals in Japan have not received scholarly attention. In this research, I explore the activities of twelve Japanese pro-animal organizations in Tokyo and Kansai area from the perspective of social movement and civil society studies. The concept of a ‘pro-animal organization’ is used to refer generally to the collectives promoting animal well-being. By using the collective action frame analysis and the three core framing tasks – diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational – as the primarily analytical tools, I explore the grievances, tactics, motivational means, constructions of agency and identity as well as framing of civil society articulated in the newsletters and the interviews of the twelve organizations I interviewed in Japan in 2010. As the frame construction is always done in relation to the social and political context, I study how the organizations construct their roles as civil society actors in relation to other actors, such as the state, and the idea of citizen activism. The deficiencies in the animal welfare law and lack of knowledge among the public are identified as the main grievances. The primary tactic to overcome these problems was to educate and inform the citizens and authorities, because most organizations lack the channels to influence politically. The audiences were mostly portrayed as either ignorant bystanders or potential adherents. In order to motivate people to join their cause and to enforce the motivation within the organization, the organizations emphasized their uniqueness, proved their efficiency, claimed credit and celebrated even small improvements. The organizations tended to create three different roles for citizen pro-organizations in civil society: reactive, apolitical and emphatic animal lovers concentrating on saving individual animals, proactive, educative bridge-builders seeking to establish equal collaborative relations with authorities, and corrective, supervising watchdogs demanding change in delinquencies offending animal rights. Based on the results of this research, I suggest that by studying how and why the different relations between civil society and the governing actors of the state are constructed, a more versatile approach to citizens’ activism in its context can be achieved.

Open Environmental Information Upon Disclosure Request in China: The Paradox of Legal Mobilization

Taking a realist view that law is one form of politics, this dissertation studies the roles of citizens and organizations in mobilizing the law to request government agencies to disclose environmental information in China, and during this process, how the socio-legal field interacts with the political-legal sphere, and what changes have been brought about during their interactions. This work takes a socio-legal approach and applies methodologies of social science and legal analysis. It aims to understand the paradox of why and how citizens and entities have been invoking the law to access environmental information despite the fact that various obstacles exist and the effectiveness of the new mechanism of environmental information disclosure still remains low. The study is largely based on the 28 cases and eight surveys of environmental information disclosure requests collected by the author. The cases and surveys analysed in this dissertation all occurred between May 2008, when the OGI Regulations and the OEI Measures came into effect, and August 2012 when the case collection was completed. The findings of this study have shown that by invoking the rules of law made by the authorities to demand government agencies disclosing environmental information, the public, including citizens, organizations, law firms, and the media, have strategically created a repercussive pressure upon the authorities to act according to the law. While it is a top-down process that has established the mechanism of open government information in China, it is indeed the bottom-up activism of the public that makes it work. Citizens and organizations’ use of legal tactics to push government agencies to disclose environmental information have formed not only an end of accessing the information but more a means of making government agencies accountable to their legal obligations. Law has thus played a pivotal role in enabling citizen participation in the political process. Against the current situation in China that political campaigns, or politicization, from general election to collective actions, especially contentious actions, are still restrained or even repressed by the government, legal mobilization, or judicialization, that citizens and organizations use legal tactics to demand their rights and push government agencies to enforce the law, become de facto an alternative of political participation. During this process, legal actions have helped to strengthen the civil society, make government agencies act according to law, push back the political boundaries, and induce changes in the relationship between the state and the public. In the field of environmental information disclosure, citizens and organizations have formed a bottom-up social activism, though limited in scope, using the language of law, creating progressive social, legal and political changes. This study emphasizes that it is partial and incomplete to understand China’s transition only from the top-down policy-making and government administration; it is also important to observe it from the bottom-up perspective that in a realistic view law can be part of politics and legal mobilization, even when utterly apolitical, can help to achieve political aims as well. This study of legal mobilization in the field of environmental information disclosure also helps us to better understand the function of law: law is not only a tool for the authorities to regulate and control, but inevitably also a weapon for the public to demand government agencies to work towards their obligations stipulated by the laws issued by themselves.

Rethinking Fiscal Decentralization Policies in Developing Economies: A Case Study of Ghana

This thesis invites geographers to pay more attention to public policy research by addressing the need to rethink fiscal decentralization policies in Ghana. By applying “Simandan’s wise stance in human geography” and “Grix’s building blocks of social research design”, I developed a conceptual framework that unites two incommensurable ontological and epistemological research positions in geography—the positive and normative positions. I used the framework to investigate two key research questions. First, does fiscal decentralization actually work in Ghana? Through quantitative analysis of empirical revenue and expenditure data (1994-2011) of local governments in Ghana, this study reveals significant issues of inefficiency, inequity, and unaccountability. Local governments generate less revenue, and therefore depend largely on central government transfers for developing their jurisdictions. Worse yet, these transfers are highly unpredictable in terms of amount and timing. Even though a multivariate regression analysis revealed that these transfers are apolitical, the actual disbursement formula tends to focus on equality instead of equity. Additionally, the unclear expenditure assignments in each locality make accountability difficult. In view of these problems, I addressed the question: why is fiscal decentralization held out as a good thing in Ghana? By drawing lessons from Foucault’s and Escobar’s critical discourse analysis, I traced a genealogy of Ghana’s fiscal decentralization. I found that the policy is held out as a good thing in Ghana because of the triangular operation of multiplicities of power, knowledge, and truth regimes at the local, national and international scale. I concluded that although nation-states remains a necessary causal link in fiscal decentralization policy process in Ghana, direct and indirect international involvement have profound effect on these policies. Therefore, rethinking fiscal decentralization involves acknowledging the complex intermingling effects that global, national, and local territories produce.

"Staying Alive" while "Living the Life" : conceptualizations of risk among homeless youth

Résumé Le but de cette thèse est de comprendre les représentations du risque chez les jeunes de la rue. Plus précisément, elle s’intéresse à appréhender les constructions du risque que font les jeunes de la rue eux-mêmes, d’autant plus que ces jeunes sont définis comme un groupe à risque. Si le risque est plus souvent défini de manière stricte comme le mal éventuel, dans cette étude, il est défini plus largement intégrant l’idée des opportunités et prises de risque. Ancrée dans une perspective double du constructionnisme social et de l’interactionnisme symbolique, cette recherche a exploré les savoirs des jeunes sur les risques qu’ils vivaient dans les contextes observés et la manière dont ils les appréhendaient. Pour y parvenir, cette recherche s’inscrit dans une approche ethnographique pour mieux comprendre le monde des jeunes de la rue, utilisant des méthodes d'observation participante et dévoilée et des entrevues informelles variées. Cette approche globale permet de saisir comment les jeunes définissent leur capacité à estimer, gérer, éviter ou prendre des risques. L’utilisation d’une perspective longitudinale (de un à deux ans) et les relations de confiance bâties avec ces jeunes, ont permis de suivre comment la construction identitaire des jeunes observés a influencé leurs perception du risque et leurs pratiques de débrouillardise. En outre, les liens établis ont permis de révéler les points de vue singuliers des jeunes mais aussi leurs savoirs expérientiels relatifs aux risques. Il s’agit dans cette étude de montrer à partir des théories générales qui définissent nos sociétés comme des sociétés du risque, comment des individus, identifiés comme appartenant à un groupe à risque, définissent et gèrent leurs risques à partir de leur propre expérience et point de vue afin de révéler la diversité et la complexité des expériences et savoirs des jeunes de la rue à l’endroit du risque. En effet, cette thèse montre qu’un ancrage dans une sociologie du risque permet de sortir de l’image de victime ou de déviance associée généralement aux jeunes de la rue mais qu’elle demeure marquée par la promotion de la sécurité légitimant intervention et régulation de la situation des jeunes de la rue tout en ignorant l’expérience même des jeunes. Les discours sur les risques associés à la rue sont alors inscrits dans une logique d’expertise. Cette étude vise à sortir de ces préconceptions des risques pris par les jeunes de la rue pour au contraire s’attarder à comprendre comment se définit le risque à partir du sens que les jeunes accordent et les expériences qu’ils en ont. Mots clés: jeunes itinérants, jeunes de la rue, le risque, à risque, victimisation, déviance, identité.

Entre politique et thérapeutique : usages du rituel de la tente à sudation dans le cadre de la revitalisation culturelle amérindienne au Québec

Depuis la fin des années 1980, le phénomène de revitalisation culturelle amérindienne observé à l’échelle continentale s’est enraciné au Québec. Ce phénomène panindien, qui se définit entre autres par un mouvement de guérison dit communautaire – c’est- à-dire qui s’organise à l’intérieur-même des communautés (par opposition à ce qui vient de l’extérieur) – est caractérisé par la prise en charge des problèmes sociaux rencontrés par les populations amérindiennes. Par l’analyse du rite de la tente à sudation, une pratique emblématique de la spiritualité panindienne et du mouvement de guérison, ce mémoire explore la dualité des stratégies de relation d’aide qui y sont déployées. Pour ce faire, l’expérience en milieu carcéral et en communauté d’aînés et d’intervenants autochtones a été prise à témoin. L’enquête de terrain révèle ainsi qu’en parallèle avec la fonction de mobilisation sociale et politique associée à la revitalisation culturelle amérindienne, on assiste à une instrumentation du rituel à des fins psychothérapeutiques. Tout en s’inscrivant dans la structure cosmologique commune à plusieurs traditions orales algonquiennes, cet usage particulier de la symbolique du rituel met à jour une vision plus clinique, plus individualisée et plus dépolitisée de la guérison autochtone habituellement revendiqué dans le discours panindien.

La revue de la Chambre de commerce de Montréal et la modernisation de la métropole dans les années 1950 et 1960

Pendant les années 1950 et 1960, Montréal se modernise sur plusieurs aspects. L’influence de l’administration de la ville sur cette modernisation est bien connue. Toutefois, les perspectives des acteurs extérieurs sont souvent ignorées. Ce mémoire examine donc les opinions de la Chambre de commerce de Montréal sur la modernisation de la métropole québécoise lors de ces deux décennies. La source principale utilisée pour effectuer cette étude a été la revue hebdomadaire de la Chambre, Commerce-Montréal. Dans le premier chapitre, les opinions de la Chambre de commerce sur la gouvernance municipale sont examinées. Celles-ci montrent que la Chambre percevait l’assainissement des moeurs politiques et l’amélioration de l’efficacité administrative comme intrinsèques à la modernisation de Montréal. Le deuxième chapitre porte sur la circulation automobile et le transport en commun. La Chambre proposait des moyens d’accélérer le débit de la circulation qu’elle jugeait crucial pour la modernisation de la métropole. Le troisième chapitre traite du développement urbain. D’après la Chambre, la modernisation de Montréal exigeait le renouvellement du cadre bâti de la ville, tant résidentiel que commercial. L’étude de ces trois thèmes confirme que, pendant la période 1950-1970, la Chambre de commerce a contribué de manière significative aux débats concernant la modernisation de Montréal. Nous relevons aussi que l’organisme, malgré son désir de paraître apolitique, a été influencé par sa fonction de représentant de la communauté d’affaires francophone. L’importance accordée à la rentabilité de la modernisation, ainsi que la hiérarchisation sociale attribuée à certains sujets, confirment notamment les orientations conservatrices de l’organisme.

Auto-reflexividad, erografía y leitmotivs liminales en la producción narrativa de Mayra Santos-Febres (1995-2009)

La recherche, construction et révision de l’identité nationale ont très longtemps constitué les éléments propulseurs de la production littéraire et intellectuelle de Porto Rico. Pourtant vers le milieu des années 90, un nouveau consensus émerge entre les écrivains qui revendiquent massivement la fin de la littérature en tant que lieu d’où forger la conscience nationale et refuse le leadership intellectuel qui avait jusqu’alors définit le travail littéraire. Les auteurs qui commencent à se manifester à ce moment se désintéressent du nationalisme comme thème littéraire. Le militantisme politique et la volonté de confrontation, modes représentationnels caractéristiques de la génération antérieure, disparaissent pour laisser place à une écriture exploratoire, centrée sur ses propres procédés, et apparemment apolitique. Une telle perte d’ancrages nationaux et territoriaux est significative de la conscience exacerbée que possèdent ces écrivains de la complexité des dynamiques culturelles qui régissent le monde postmoderne et globalisé, ainsi que de la « valeur » et de la position « marginale » qu’on leur attribue dans l’écologie mass-médiatique culturelle actuelle. La production narrative de Mayra Santos-Febres est paradigmatique de ces changements. J’aborde dans son écriture une série de dispositifs métalittéraires, autoréflexifs, « érographiques », et historiographiques qui, bien qu’ils résistent à une catégorisation homogène, démontrent un même intérêt pour des phénomènes interstitiels. En me basant sur les concepts de liminalité, principalement depuis la perspective de Victor Turner et d’écriture auto-réflexive (Patricia Waugh, Linda Hutcheon), j’analyse le positionnement liminal qu’assume Santos-Febres dans la structure culturelle globalisée actuelle, et la façon dont sa prise de position, également liminale, c’est-à-dire, sa prise de parole et son engagement se traduisent par un rapprochement narcissique à l’exercice littéraire autant dans les formes qu’elle crée qu’au niveau sémantique, narratif et discursif. Le premier chapitre analyse les contes « Dilcia M. » et « Acto de Fe » (Pez de vidrio) comme témoignages de l’érosion du patriotisme et militantisme antérieur; « La escritora» (Pez de vidrio) qui marque pour l’auteure un passage vers une esthétique centrée sus ses propres procédés créatifs; et le roman Cualquier miércoles soy tuya qui dramatise le positionnement assumé par les écrivains dans la chaine culturelle globalisée actuelle. Le second chapitre aborde la configuration des corps, espaces urbains et de l’écriture dans El cuerpo correcto qui, à travers une exubérance sexuelle/textuelle, projette des variantes réactualisées de la traditionnelle dichotomie corps/écriture. Le troisième chapitre se penche sur la configuration du travesti dans Sirena Selena vestida de pena. J’y propose de voir le travestisme, le boléro et l’écriture comme un triple exercice métalittéraire. Le dernier chapitre aborde le procédé de re-signification littéraire des images sédimentées de subordination et d’infériorité de sujet « noir ». Nuestra Señora de la Noche se penche sur la re-signification de l’hyper-sexualisation et « exotisation » qui a cimenté la construction de « l’immoralité » de la femme noire. Fe en disfraz aborde le sadomasochisme comme espace de re-signification des schèmes de domination et soumission inscrits dans l’histoire esclavagiste de Porto Rico et du trauma qui origine, et subsiste, d’une telle hiérarchie.

Constructing a ‘moment of crisis’ and its adequate solution

The rejection of the European Constitution marks an important crystallization point for debate about the European Union (EU) and the integration process. The European Constitution was envisaged as the founding document of a renewed and enlarged European Union and thus it was rather assumed to find wide public support. Its rejection was not anticipated. The negative referenda in France and the Netherlands therefore led to a controversial debate about the more fundamental meaning and the consequences of the rejection both for the immediate state of affairs as well as for the further integration process. The rejection of the Constitution and the controversy about its correct interpretation therefore present an intriguing puzzle for political analysis. Although the treaty rejection was taken up widely in the field of European Studies, the focus of existing analyses has predominantly been on explaining why the current situation occurred. Underlying these approaches is the premise that by establishing the reasons for the rejection it is possible to derive the ‘true’ meaning of the event for the EU integration process. In my paper I rely on an alternative, discourse theoretical approach which aims to overcome the positivist perspective dominating the existing analyses. I argue that the meaning of the event ‘treaty rejection’ is not fixed or inherent to it but discursively constructed. The critical assessment of this concrete meaning-production is of high relevance as the specific meaning attributed to the treaty rejection effectively constrains the scope for supposedly ‘reasonable’ options for action, both in the concrete situation and in the further European integration process more generally. I will argue that the overall framing suggests a fundamental technocratic approach to governance from part of the Commission. Political struggle and public deliberation is no longer foreseen as the concrete solutions to the citizens’ general concerns are designed by supposedly apolitical experts. Through the communicative diffusion and the active implementation of this particular model of governance the Commission shapes the future integration process in a more substantial way than is obvious from its seemingly limited immediate problem-solving orientation of overcoming the ‘constitutional crisis’. As the European Commission is a central actor in the discourse production my analysis focuses on the specific interpretation of the situation put forward by the Commission. In order to work out the Commission’s particular take on the event I conducted a frame analysis (according to Benford/Snow) on a body of key sources produced in the context of coping with the treaty rejection.

Nostalgia, music and the television past revisited in American dreams

The 1960s-set NBC family drama American Dreams presents not just the recent American past but its musical television as well. This paper examines how the show’s recreation of and interaction with the music show American Bandstand ties together the divergent experiences of a turbulent decade. American Dreams’ reshooting and appropriation of original broadcast footage is intricately interwoven with dramatic action allowing for new layers of commentary and meaning to be read across the music and image relationship. Through intercutting and juxtaposition, its use of music performance goes beyond the regressive recycling of images of nostalgia, as critiqued by Jameson and other theorists of postmodernity, to engage political and social debates through a complex web of reference, reproduction and commentary, presenting a politicised reading of the 1960s that problematises these charges of nostalgia texts as apolitical and ‘historicist’.

"Cultura" pedagógica: a influência do status do professor

O objetivo deste estudo foi o de investigar a criação de uma "cultura" pedagógica, com e sem a influência do professor, sujeito de status definido institucionalmente. Com tal finalidade, foi montado um cenário experimental com sujeitos distribuídos em Grupos de Controle e Experimentais, estes últimos contando com a participação de uma professora, previamente instruída, para exercer influência. Segundo a estratégia usada, os sujeitos realizaram o Exercício de Decisão por Consenso, através de interpretações e classificações, que foram consideradas as "culturas" criadas pelos grupos, com e sem a influência do professor. Os dados empírico recolhidos e analisados segundo uma Abordagem Fenomenológica permitiram concluir que a atuação do professor é decisiva para influenciar o comportamento dos alunos e que esta influência pode ser atribuída preponderadamente ao status a ele conferido. A literatura revista possibilitou ainda uma análise crítica do papel de modelador exercido pelo professor (Abordagem Modernizante), bem como do processo de reprodução da cultura dominante nesta tarefa (Abordagem Alternativa). Desta forma, os dados empíricos e as teorias analisadas permitiram concluir que a "cultura" pedagógica, criada seja na presença seja na ausência do professor, não é isenta e tampouco apolítica.

O impulso renovador: a atuação da Missão Indígena na Escola Militar do Realengo (1919-1922)

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo realizar uma análise da atuação de um grupo de instrutores na Escola Militar do Realengo no período compreendido entre os anos de 1919 e 1922, tomando por objeto as representações feitas por esses sujeitos, do que foi por eles atribuída como Missão Indígena. Os efeitos de sua atuação foram marcantes e se fizeram sentir por toda uma geração de oficiais do Exército Brasileiro, que ficou conhecida como a “geração do Realengo”. Embora constantemente lembrada pela historiografia militar, a Missão Indígena ainda foi muito pouco explorada em trabalhos acadêmicos, no que tange ao seu surgimento, à sua atuação na Escola Militar e ao envolvimento de alguns de seus membros no movimento tenentista. Dessa forma, o foco da pesquisa se concentrou na maneira como esse grupo de instrutores atuou e nas mudanças provocadas e percebidas pelos alunos em função dessa atuação, tanto na instrução como no regime militar diário da Escola Militar, estabelecimento de ensino que pretendia formar oficias “apolíticos” e que serviu de laboratório do Exército para experiências acerca de qual educação militar seria a ideal para a formação de seus quadros. A escolha do tema repousa no fato de a Missão ter sido constituída por um grupo de jovens oficiais subalternos e intermediários do Exército, dotados de elevada capacidade técnico-profissional e cujo perfil psicológico lhes conduziam a atuar em consonância com o ensino prático de caráter militar, inteiramente de acordo com as normas e regulamentos do Exército, sob a influência do rígido modelo alemão de instrução. Como instrumentos metodológicos foram utilizados os trabalhos de Michael Pollak, no que se refere à construção da memória e à institucionalização de determinadas narrativas, e de Maurice Halbwachs, no tocante à relação existente entre memória coletiva e espaço. Uma pesquisa realizada nos acervos documentais da Escola Militar do Realengo, pertencentes ao Arquivo Histórico do Exército, e nos arquivos pessoais e acervos de história oral do Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação História Contemporânea do Brasil, da Fundação Getúlio Vargas, possibilitou o acesso às fontes. Conclui-se que o esforço da Missão Indígena, voltado para a formação profissional da oficialidade do Exército Brasileiro, não esteve dissociado das inclinações para agir politicamente da geração que passou pela Escola do Realengo na década de 1920.

Da montanha ao quartel: atuação e influência do Exército Popular Sandinista na Nicarágua

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS