241 resultados para acknowledgement


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Objective: Only rare data exist comparing cross-cultural aspects of civilian traumatization. We compared prevalence rates of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in German and Chinese crime victims, and investigated the cross-cultural effect of 2 interpersonal predictors. Method: German (n = 151) and Chinese (n = 144) adult crime victims were assessed several months postcrime. The parallel questionnaire set assessed PTSD symptom severity, disclosure attitudes, social acknowledgement, and demographic and crime characteristics. Results: German and Chinese participants differed significantly in their PTSD symptom severity. However, in both samples, disclosure attitudes and social acknowledgement predicted PTSD symptom severity with a similar strength, in addition to the effects of other PTSD predictors. Conclusions: The results suggest that interpersonal variables are predictors of PTSD symptom severity in both cultures and should be included in etiologic models of PTSD.

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This article considers some post-Milosevic Serbian responses to the Srebrenica massacre. The focus is on responses which contain strategies of denial or which broadly attempt to explain or justify the massacre without engaging critically with the atrocity itself. These responses are by no means uniform, nor are they the only ones which are available in Serbia. They provide the focus of this article because their presence has usually been misinterpreted as Serbia's failure to come to terms with the past. As this article argues, the existence of denial strategies in politics is predominantly pragmatic, whilst in the media and in private individual narratives are part of a larger process of starting to re-examine the past. This article will focus on several illustrative instances from politics and the media, as well as an individual witness responses, in order to demonstrate the extent to which Srebrenica is still in the process of being understood.

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Background There are occupational risks inherent to the activities of professional hairdressers, which are not frequently studied, and therefore not considered in the formulation of health policies for this group. Aims To verify the prevalence of work-related musculoskeletal disorders (WRMDs) in hairdressers through symptom reports, to characterize the most frequently affected anatomical parts and to identify and analyse risk factors of WRMDs in hairdressing. Methods A cross-sectional epidemiological study of 220 hairdressers from beauty parlours in Sao Paulo (Brazil) was carried out. Each hairdresser completed a self-administered questionnaire which included information on socio-demographic characteristics, working conditions and health-related musculoskeletal system complaints. Ergonomic analyses were also performed in six parlours. Results The prevalence of WRMDs was 71%. Risk factors were associated with psychosocial factors and factors related to discomfort and work fatigue such as lack of acknowledgement of work and uncomfortable posture at work [odds ratio (OR) = 3.54; 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.51-8.30], not feeling comfortable with body/neck/shoulders while working (OR = 2.78; 95% CI 1.40-5.54) and having > 15 years of professional activity (OR = 3.04; 95% CI 1.17-7.91). Conclusion Occupational risk factors associated with the development of WRMDs in hairdressers are related to biomechanical, organizational and psychosocial work factors. The high prevalence of WRMDs found highlights the importance of disseminating recommendations for prevention of symptoms with regards to the provision of suitable furniture, equipment and work tools, environmental conditions, size of workplace, work organization and psychosocial work factors.

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This special issue presents an excellent opportunity to study applied epistemology in public policy. This is an important task because the arena of public policy is the social domain in which macro conditions for ‘knowledge work’ and ‘knowledge industries’ are defined and created. We argue that knowledge-related public policy has become overly concerned with creating the politico-economic parameters for the commodification of knowledge. Our policy scope is broader than that of Fuller (1988), who emphasizes the need for a social epistemology of science policy. We extend our focus to a range of policy documents that include communications, science, education and innovation policy (collectively called knowledge-related public policy in acknowledgement of the fact that there is no defined policy silo called ‘knowledge policy’), all of which are central to policy concerned with the ‘knowledge economy’ (Rooney and Mandeville, 1998). However, what we will show here is that, as Fuller (1995) argues, ‘knowledge societies’ are not industrial societies permeated by knowledge, but that knowledge societies are permeated by industrial values. Our analysis is informed by an autopoietic perspective. Methodologically, we approach it from a sociolinguistic position that acknowledges the centrality of language to human societies (Graham, 2000). Here, what we call ‘knowledge’ is posited as a social and cognitive relationship between persons operating on and within multiple social and non-social (or, crudely, ‘physical’) environments. Moreover, knowing, we argue, is a sociolinguistically constituted process. Further, we emphasize that the evaluative dimension of language is most salient for analysing contemporary policy discourses about the commercialization of epistemology (Graham, in press). Finally, we provide a discourse analysis of a sample of exemplary texts drawn from a 1.3 million-word corpus of knowledge-related public policy documents that we compiled from local, state, national and supranational legislatures throughout the industrialized world. Our analysis exemplifies a propensity in policy for resorting to technocratic, instrumentalist and anti-intellectual views of knowledge in policy. We argue that what underpins these patterns is a commodity-based conceptualization of knowledge, which is underpinned by an axiology of narrowly economic imperatives at odds with the very nature of knowledge. The commodity view of knowledge, therefore, is flawed in its ignorance of the social systemic properties of ��knowing’.

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The purpose of this study was to examine the development of six leader-athletes. In-depth qualitative interviews were used to explore the various activities that leader athletes engaged in from an early age as well as the roles and influences that peers, coaches, and parents played within these activities. Results indicated that leadership development in sport focused on developing four central components: high skill, strong work ethic, enriched cognitive sport knowledge, and good rapport with people. The types of activities engaged in throughout development as well as receiving feedback, acknowledgement, support, cognitive engagement, mature conversations with adults, and physical encounters with older peers are important social influences that can play an instrumental role in the formation of these four central tenets.

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A pesquisa desta tese investiga as mediações das categorias de raça e de classe social no processo de implementação do modelo de cotas sociais da Ufes para ingresso nos cursos de graduação, entre 2006 a 2012, como parte das ações afirmativas dessa universidade. Tal modelo, para incluir a população afro-brasileira no ensino superior do Espírito Santo, respeitou estritamente os critérios de renda e de origem escolar pública, não adotando o critério étnico-racial que contemplaria especificamente os negros e os indígenas. Diante disso, o autor busca sustentar a tese de que, considerando o padrão das relações raciais brasileiras produtor de assimetrias entre grupos com marcas raciais distintas, no caso de negros e brancos, as desigualdades raciais têm na operacionalização do racismo seu mote ofensivo e poderoso, ao mesmo tempo em que a classe social isolada é insuficiente na compreensão e superação do problema racial do Brasil. Portanto, na adoção de políticas de combate às desigualdades raciais no ensino superior, caberia também a utilização de medidas etnicamente referenciadas. Autores como Hall (2008) e Fraser (2006), ao trazerem a dimensão articulada e bifocal das injustiças simbólicas e das injustiças econômicas, permitem entender a complementaridade e as dinâmicas entre ambas, deslocando-se de determinismos classistas que invisibilizam o racismo como instrumento opressor nas relações sociais. Como objetivos específicos, considera: compreender o processo de construção do modelo de cotas da Ufes, para ingresso nos cursos de graduação implementado em 2008, sob a perspectiva do debate da relação entre raça e classe; examinar as políticas de ações afirmativas como respostas às demandas históricas dos afro-brasileiros no contexto da sociedade brasileira; avaliar a posição de professores e alunos de cursos de graduação da Ufes diante do ingresso de alunos cotistas, sobretudo afro-brasileiros e pobres; e investigar a relação das políticas classistas, no caso específico das cotas sociais, na superação das assimetrias raciais. Adota como procedimentos metodológicos a metodologia dialética de pesquisa considerando todas as contradições entre raça e classe no processo de implementação de ações afirmativas na Ufes. Como instrumentos de pesquisa, utiliza entrevistas de professores e alunos cotistas e não cotistas de cursos variados da universidade, assim como documentos referentes à temática. Os resultados apontam para uma “oxigenação” da universidade depois de uma entrada maior de negros e pobres, principalmente nos cursos mais elitizados, pois as cotas operam uma dimensão pedagógica de ampliar a diversidade social na academia, trazendo outras demandas, outras 10 afetividades, outras lógicas de mundo e concepções de sociedade para a única universidade pública do Espírito Santo. Indica que os mecanismos discriminatórios e estigmatizantes interpessoais e institucionais, vividos no contexto das cotas sociais e explícitos na pesquisa, não inviabilizam a importância das ações afirmativas, pois apontam para a universidade repensar e ressignificar seus currículos e ações pedagógicas homogeneizantes no sentido de ampliar a ideia de inclusão e de democratização de seus espaços. Reitera que a raça, em seu viés político e cultural, é operante de forma relacional e independente com a classe social no contexto da produção das assimetrias raciais brasileiras, de maneira que a ação de uma não nega a ação da outra, mesmo na relação entre ambas. Enfatiza a importância do entendimento e da materialidade das ações afirmativas como políticas de reconhecimento que combateriam as desigualdades simbólicas na Ufes. Aponta a relevância das políticas de assistência estudantil, conjugadas às cotas, como políticas de redistribuição econômica, que lidariam com as dificuldades ou ausências materiais dos discentes, principalmente dos cotistas. Conclui que as cotas étnico-raciais nas universidades brasileiras são instrumentos legítimos de luta pela educação, um direito social de oportunidade dos grupos historicamente apartados de princípios constituidores da emancipação, da cidadania, dos direitos humanos, da justiça social, da igualdade e da diferença.