787 resultados para Youth -- Government policy -- Spain


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In times of crisis, the youth policies are experiencing enormous cutbacks and transformations to the point that we are wondering whether they really exist as public policies with their own entity. The situation in which many young people find themselves in Spain leads them to wonder where the traditional protection networks are: The family, the NGO’s or the Welfare State, when they are really needed. Our objective in this article is to show and discuss the situation of the youth policies in Spain in the present context of social austerity and drastic cutbacks. We carry out this analysis from the parameters of the magical triangle that unite policies, research and social work with young people

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The aim of this article is to present and discuss the situation regarding young people and youth policy in Spain via the parameters of the magic triangle linking policy, research and action: (1) the situation of young people in Spain today -some indicators are highlighted regarding the main challenges and opportunities for young people, with references to the so-called"Ni-Nis" (neither studying nor working)- and the movement of the"outraged" youth that occupied the streets of Spain"s major cities in May 2011; (2) the current approaches adopted by public youth policies in Spain and limitations and difficulties encountered by the government in attempting to meet the demands of young people; (3) social work with young people and professionals involved in youth policies. In the last section, we conclude with some open questions and proposals for the immediate future

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Whereas in other Australian states voluntary organizations set up and managed infant health clinics and state governments only later became involved, in order to resolve conflicts or raise standards, Queensland began with government control. From the start, these well-baby clinics were established and maintained by the state government, whose policy precluded any involvement by the voluntary sector in baby clinic management or other aspects of the work of the Maternal and Child Welfare section of the Department of Health and Home Affairs. One organization, the Mothercraft Association of Queensland, attempted to contribute to maternal-infant welfare in the years 1931-1961. This article will discuss how the association worked in a way that was complementary to the government's work, and non-confrontationist, to achieve some of its goals.

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Proposta metodològica que té com a element central la participació juvenil. La participació entesa com l’impuls d’estructures democràtiques entre els joves. Aquest treball està centrat en el manteniment de la consolidació de les polítiques de joventut al municipi de Caldes de Malavella. La pèrdua de recursos econòmics és un element que dificulta la realització de projectes que incideixin de manera positiva en els joves. La creació d’estructures de participació entre els joves és una manera de motivar als joves i fer-los membres actius en el desenvolupament de les polítiques locals

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El treball que es presenta a continuació consisteix en una anàlisi teòrica sobre el concepte d'apoderament juvenil partint d'una aproximació al context actual i les relacions de poder que condicionen la construcció social de la joventut. L'anàlisi es basa en la relació del concepte d'apoderament amb els processos de transformació social així com de qüestionament de les estructures de poder existents avui. D'altra banda, es realitza una reflexió sobre l'ús del terme des de l'àmbit de les ciències socials, específicament des de les polítiques públiques de joventut

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L’existència d’espais per a joves sovint ha vingut donada per a fomentar la participació dels i les joves a través de la seva organització. Tot i així, la complexitat que pren aquesta ha portat a diferents formes de concebre i organitzar aquests espais, i per tant, diferents formes de dotar aquest foment de la participació. L’autogestió sovint ha estat una vessant poc impulsada des de les polítiques públiques de joventut, sense tenir-ne en compte els beneficis que aquesta pot aportar pel foment de la participació social per a representar un espai de poder decisió i veu directe pels i les mateixes joves

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Since the first election victory of the Thatcher administration in 1979, Britain has witnessed a cultural transformation from the municipal socialism of the post-World War 2 Welfare State to a form of post-industrial entrepreneurialism. This has had a profound effect on all aspects of civil society, not least the redefinition of the role of active leisure from the 1950s evocation of 'Sport For All' to the market rationality of the 1980s. The transformation has signalled a shift from government support for active leisure as an element of citizen rights to the use of leisure to promote the government's interest in legitimating a new social order based not on rights but on means. Thus access to active living is no longer a societal goal for all, but a discretionary consumer good, the consumption of which signifies 'active' citizenship. It furthermore signifies differentiation from the growing mass of 'deviants' who are unwilling or unable to embrace this new construction of citizenship and are, therefore, increasingly denied access to active living and, hence, active citizenship.

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In this paper we provide an alternative explanation for why illegal immigration can exhibit substantial fluctuation. We develop a model economy in which migrants make decisions in the face of uncertain border enforcement and lump-sum transfers from the host country. The uncertainty is extrinsic in nature, a sunspot, and arises as a result of ambiguity regarding the commodity price of money. Migrants are restricted from participating in state-contingent insurance markets in the host country, whereas host country natives are not. Volatility in migration flows stems from two distinct sources: the tension between transfers inducing migration and enforcement discouraging it and secondly the existence of a sunspot. Finally, we examine the impact of a change in tax/transfer policies by the government on migration.

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The questlon of the crowding-out of private !nvestment by public expenditure, public investment in particular , ln the Brazilian economy has been discussed more in ideological terrns than on empirical grounds. The present paper tries to avoid the limitation of previous studies by estlmatlng an equation for private investment whlch makes it possible to evaluate the effect of economic policies on prlvate investment. The private lnvestment equation was deduced modifylng the optimal flexible accelerator medel (OFAM) incorporating some channels through which public expendlture influences privateinvestment. The OFAM consists in adding adjustment costs to the neoclassical theory of investrnent. The investment fuction deduced is quite general and has the following explanatory variables: relative prices (user cost of capitaljimput prices ratios), real interest rates, real product, public expenditures and lagged private stock of capital. The model was estimated for private manufacturing industry data. The procedure adopted in estimating the model was to begin with a model as general as possible and apply restrictions to the model ' s parameters and test their statistical significance. A complete diagnostic testing was also made in order to test the stability of estirnated equations. This procedure avoids ' the shortcomings of estimating a model with a apriori restrictions on its parameters , which may lead to model misspecification. The main findings of the present study were: the increase in public expenditure, at least in the long run, has in general a positive expectation effect on private investment greater than its crowding-out effect on priva te investment owing to the simultaneous rise in interst rates; a change in economlc policy, such as that one of Geisel administration, may have an important effect on private lnvestment; and reI ative prices are relevant in determining the leveI of desired stock of capital and private investrnent.

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Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) engaged in sugar processing in Myanmar appeared in the last decade of the socialist era. An acute sugar deficit, restricted trade in white sugar, and high demand from the conventional dairy business led to the growth of sugar SMEs by appropriate blending of semi-finished products (syrup) in the fields, which were then processed in vacuum pans and centrifugals to obtain white sugar. This became a tradable commodity and sugar SMEs grew in clusters in big cities. They are family-owned businesses. However, they lack the bagasse-based power generation. In recent years, large modern sugar factories operated by private and military companies have emerged as key players. The current shortage of fuel feedstock and competition for raw materials have become driving forces that shift sugar SMEs from market-oriented to raw material-oriented locations. Internal competition among key players made sugar price highly volatile, too. Being placed on a level playing field, the whole industry should be upgraded in terms of price and quality to become export-oriented.

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This Policy Brief argues that too much effort and political capital is being spent by the Commission and member states on being seen to be doing something quickly about youth unemployment when, in fact, the structural measures proposed will only have long-term effects. Expectations of immediate relief are running well above what can be delivered, especially at the EU level. Given the macroeconomic situation, no policy option will deliver a significant dent in either youth unemployment or unemployment in general. The EU policies on the table that are supposed to have an immediate effect, such as increased lending from the European Investment Bank to SMEs for the hiring of young people, will only have a very marginal impact on youth unemployment. Moreover, this impact will come mostly to the detriment of older unemployed persons excluded from such a scheme. Given the perceived need to ‘be seen to be doing something’, we fear that policies subsidising young workers de facto at the expense of older workers or, even worse, policies that subsidise older workers for not taking young people’s jobs, will proliferate. In fact, it is not at all clear that young people suffer more from being unemployed than older people, or even disproportionately more than older unemployed individuals. In particular, it is not clear that the much-publicised notion of a ‘lost generation’ with permanent ‘scars’ is relevant only to the young generation. The paper ends by highlighting the much-neglected policy option of encouraging labour mobility within the internal market. Although the Commission is ‘upgrading and modernising’ its tools, much more could be done in this area – to the benefit of the individuals concerned, the member states, and European integration in general.