894 resultados para Weakness of will


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This article examines the evaluative nature of the folk concepts of weakness and strength of will and hypothesizes that their evaluative nature is strongly connected to the folk concepts of blame and credit. We probed how people apply the concepts of weakness and strength of will to prototypical and non-prototypical scenarios. While regarding prototypical scenarios the great majority applied these concepts according to the predictions following from traditional philosophical analyses, when presented with non-prototypical scenarios, people were divided. Some, against traditional analyses, did not apply these concepts, which we explain in terms of a clash of evaluations involving different sorts of blame and credit. Others applied them according to traditional analyses, which we explain in terms of a disposition to be reflective and clearly set apart the different sorts of blame and credit involved. Still others applied them in an inverse way, seemingly bypassing the traditional components resolution and best judgment, which we explain in terms of a reinterpretation of the scenarios driven by an assumption that everyone knows deep inside that the best thing to do is to act morally. This division notwithstanding, we claim that our results are largely supportive of traditional analyses (qua analyses of folk concepts).

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The political campaign before Germany’s parliamentary elections to be held on 22 September has in all its glory reflected the trends visible during the last four years of the government of Chancellor Angela Merkel – the strength of the Christian Democrats, the weakness of the opposition and the increasing marginalisation of the coalition partner, the FDP. The CDU/CSU remains the most popular political choice in Germany, largely because Angela Merkel has consistently remained the most popular German politician. Everything indicates that the CDU/CSU will win the election, even though it has been running a passive campaign and the Chancellor herself has been avoiding confrontation, presenting herself as a kind of cross-party representative of the interests of all social groups. The Christian Democrats’ main competitors, the Social Democrats, have been unable to play to their strengths and present themselves as a serious alternative to the CDU/CSU. The Christian Democrats, despite their difficult cooperation with the liberal FDP, have declared their willingness to continue doing so during the next parliamentary term. If the numbers make that impossible, and the Social Democrats and the Greens have too few votes to be able to form a government, a grand coalition of the Christian Democrats and the SPD will be formed in Germany.

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A national online survey of private and public will drafters distributed through State/public trustee offices in seven states/territories and law societies and community legal centres across all states/territories yielded 257 responses. The survey, using questions, scales and case scenarios sought to canvas perceptions of difficulties facing will drafters and the strategies used to address them.

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Notice regarding the late James Middough that anything concerning his will is granted to William Woodruff and Richard Woodruff (merchants) executors of the will, August 3, 1839.

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Organisations have become increasingly dependent on technology in order to compete in their respective markets. As IT technology advances at a rapid pace, so does its complexity, giving rise to new IT security vulnerabilities and methods of attack. Even though the human factors have been recognized to have a crucial role in information security management, the effects of weakness of will and lack of commitment on the stakeholders (i.e., employers and employees) parts has never been factored into the design and delivery of awareness programs. To this end, this paper investigates the impacts of the availability of awareness programs and end-user drive and lack of commitment to information security awareness program design, delivery and success.

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Includes bibliography

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Background and objective: Malnutrition is prevalent in hospitalized patients and causes systemic damage including effects on the respiratory and immune systems, as well as predisposing to infection and increasing postoperative complications and mortality. This study aimed to assess the impact of malnutrition on the rate of postoperative pulmonary complications, respiratory muscle strength and chest wall expansion in patients undergoing elective upper abdominal surgery. Methods: Seventy-five consecutive candidates for upper abdominal surgery (39 in the malnourished group (MNG) and 36 in the control group (CG)) were enrolled in this prospective controlled cohort study. All patients were evaluated for nutritional status, respiratory muscle strength, chest wall expansion and lung function before surgery. Postoperative pulmonary complications (pneumonia, tracheobronchitis, atelectasis and acute respiratory failure) before discharge from hospital were also evaluated. Results: The MNG showed expiratory muscle weakness (MNG 65 +/- 24 vs CG 82 +/- 22 cm H2O; P < 0.001) and decreased chest wall expansion (P < 0.001), whereas inspiratory muscle strength and lung function were preserved (P > 0.05). The MNG also had a higher incidence of postoperative pulmonary complications compared with the CG (31% and 11%, respectively; P = 0.05). In addition, expiratory muscle weakness was correlated with BMI in the MNG (r = 0.43; P < 0.01). The association between malnutrition and expiratory muscle weakness increased the likelihood of postoperative pulmonary complications after upper abdominal surgery (P = 0.02). Conclusions: These results show that malnutrition is associated with weakness of the expiratory muscles, decreased chest wall expansion and increased incidence of pulmonary complications in patients undergoing elective upper abdominal surgery.

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During the last two decades, scholars from a variety of disciplines have argued that civil society is structurally deficient in post-communist countries. Yet why have the seemingly strong, active and mobilized civic movements of the transition period become so weak after democracy was established? And why have there been diverging political trajectories across the post-communist space if civil society structures were universally weak? This paper uses a wide range of data from various available sources to show that civil societies in Central and Eastern European countries are not as feeble as is commonly assumed. Some post-communist countries possess vigorous public spheres, and active civil society organizations strongly connected to transnational civic networks able to shape domestic policies. Following the calls by Anheier (2004) and Bernhard and Karakoç (2007) we adopt a multidimensional approach to the measurement of civil society. In a series of cross-section timeseries models, we show that our broader measures of civic and social institutions are able to predict the diverging transition paths among post-communist regimes, and in particular the growing gap between democratic East Central Europe and the increasingly authoritarian post-Soviet space.

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Mode of access: Internet.