996 resultados para Weak State


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The purpose of this article is to investigate in which ways multi-level actor cooperation advances national and local implementation processes of human rights norms in weak-state contexts. Examining the cases of women’s rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina and children’s rights in Bangladesh, we comparatively point to some advantages and disadvantages cooperative relations between international organisations, national governments and local NGOs can entail. Whereas these multi-level actor constellations (MACs) usually initiate norm implementation processes reliably and compensate governmental deficits, they are not always sustainable in the long run. If international organisations withdraw support from temporary missions or policy projects, local NGOs are not able to perpetuate implementation activities if state capacities have not been strengthened by MACs. Our aim is to highlight functions of local agency within multi-level cooperation and to critically raise sustainability issues in human rights implementation to supplement norm research in International Relations.

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 Guatemala is not a failed state and is unlikely to become one in the near future. Although the state currently fails to provide adequate security to its citizens or an appropriate range of effective social programs, it does supply a functioning electoral democracy, sound economic management, and a promising new antipoverty program, My Family Progresses (MIFAPRO).  Guatemala is a weak state. The principal security threats represented by expanding Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), criminal parallel powers, and urban gangs have overwhelmed the resources of the under-resourced and compromised criminal justice system. The UN-sponsored International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), however, has demonstrated that progress against organized crime is possible.  The principal obstacles to strengthening the Guatemalan state lie in the traditional economic elite’s resistance to taxation and the venal political class’ narrow focus on short-term interests. Guatemala lacks a strong, policyoriented, mass-based political party that could develop a coherent national reform program and mobilize public support around it.  The United States should strengthen the Guatemalan state by expanding the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) and by strongly supporting CICIG, MIFAPRO, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE).

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The cell provisioning and oviposition process (POP) is a unique characteristic of stingless bees (Meliponini), in which coordinated interactions between workers and queen regulate the filling of brood cells with larval resources and subsequent egg laying. Environmental conditions seem to regulate reproduction in stingless bees; however, little is known about how the amount of food affects quantitative sequences of the process. We examined intrinsic variables by comparing three colonies in distinct conditions (strong, intermediate and weak state). We predicted that some of these variables are correlated with temporal events of POP in Melipona scutellaris colonies. The results demonstrated that the strong colony had shorter periods of POP.

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Depois de várias tentativas internas sem sucesso na construção da arquitetação da Segurança na sua dimensão clássica e sobretudo Humana, e depois de várias tentativas infrutíferas da intervenção externa no quadro implementação da Reforma do Sector e Segurança (RSS), e o Desarmamento, Desmobilização e Reintegração (DDR) a República da Guiné-Bissau (RGB) está estruturalmente e conjunturalmente confrontada por uma tendência irreversível da segurança no quadro das políticas internas de segurança e defesa, que situa politicamente o País num 18 Estado em situação de Fragilidade, com incapacidade de garantir o bem-estar e o desenvolvimento, com nível de corrupção elevado, com défice democrático e de Estado de Direito, com défice de padrões de boa governação, e falta de liberdade politica e violações sistemática dos Direitos humanos; economicamente o País é dos mais pobres do Mundo, com elevado índice de pobreza, totalmente dependente do exterior, com vazio de infraestrutura económicas de base, escassos investimentos estrangeiro, elevado endividamento externo e queda permanente de PIB; socialmente, praticamente sem Estado providencia, ocupa a 176ª posição entre os 186 países com IDH baixo, abaixo da média sub-regional e continental, com pobreza generalizada e uma baixa eesperança de vida (48,6 anos), défice de cobertura de saúde e de infraestruturas básicas a esse nível e patente défice de infraestrutura de Ensino; incapaz de garantir a segurança da população, é caracterizado pela insubordinação ao poder político, com Forças Armadas sem formação, desestabilizadoras da paz social e incentivadoras do narcotráfico. É neste sentido que a RSS é vista interna e externamente como a via por excelência da saída da crise de governação política, económica, social e securitária, uma pedra chave na viabilidade da reconstrução da paz, do desenvolvimento e da consolidação e efetivação do Estado de direito- fundada numa perspetiva e abordagem holística, transparente e abrangente, focalizada no tempo e em quatro dimensões: politica, económica, social e securitária, tendo como eixo e chave do sucesso a apropriação, a liderança de Portugal, a abordagem abrangente e coordenada, o smart stratgy-o mecanismo de pressão, de controlo e monitorização de exequibilidade.

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Desde finales de los 70 la piratería se convirtió en un problema para Nigeria. Con el tiempo adquirió características del crimen organizado y en 2010 se transformó en un problema transnacional, afectando a Estados del golfo de Guinea. Así, a través de una base conceptual, el estudio de caso concluyó que los factores internos –como la pobreza, debilidad estatal y marginalización- y externos –siendo ellos la falta de políticas internas destinadas a las aguas y la ausencia de estrategias marítimas en la región- de la piratería, crearon una dinámica para que dicha actividad se convirtiera en una amenaza a la seguridad marítima del golfo de Guinea, tomando como referencia a Benín y Togo. Siguiendo la línea argumentativa, se demuestra que la búsqueda de una solución a la delincuencia marítima ha generado interacciones de seguridad que sugieren las primeras fases de un posible complejo de seguridad regional.

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In spite of the difficulties incurred by its people, Cuba has maintained a centrally planned economy with single party system. On the contrary, Vietnam has introduced a market economy under communist rule, and succeeded in generally improving living standards. The factors that contributed to the introduction of Vietnamese-style reforms are (1) severe economic crisis, (2) demonstration effects from neighboring countries, (3) poor social policy, (4) initiatives by ex-conservative leader/s, and (5) weak state capacity. The conditions to sustain high economic growth are (1) social sectors familiar with capitalist economics, (2) abundant labor forces with relatively low labor cost, and (3) investment by exiles. This paper analyzes to what extent Cuba meets these conditions.

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Colombia's increasingly effective efforts to mitigate the power of the FARC and other illegitimately armed groups in the country can offer important lessons for the Peruvian government as it strives to prevent a resurgence of Sendero Luminoso and other illegal non-state actors. Both countries share certain particular challenges: deep economic, social, and in the case of Peru ethnic divisions, the presence of and/or the effects of violent insurgencies, a large-scale narcotics production and trafficking, and a history of weak state presence in large tracts of isolated and scarcely-populated areas. Important differences exist, however in the nature of the insurgencies in the two countries, the government response to them and the nature of government and society that affects the applicability of Colombia's experience to Peru. The security threat to Panama from drug trafficking and Colombian insurgents --often a linked phenomenon-- are in many ways different from the drug/insurgent factor in Colombia itself and in Peru, although there are similar variables. Unlike the Colombian and Peruvian cases, the security threat in Panama is not directed against the state, there are no domestic elements seeking to overthrow the government -- as the case of the FARC and Sendero Luminoso, security problems have not spilled over from rural to urban areas in Panama, and there is no ideological component at play in driving the threat. Nor is drug cultivation a major factor in Panama as it is in Colombia and Peru. The key variable that is shared among all three cases is the threat of extra-state actors controlling remote rural areas or small towns where state presence is minimal. The central lesson learned from Colombia is the need to define and then address the key problem of a "sovereignity gap," lack of legitimate state presence in many part of the country. Colombia's success in broadening the presence of the national government between 2002 and the presence is owed to many factors, including an effective national strategy, improvements in the armed forces and police, political will on the part of government for a sustained effort, citizen buy-in to the national strategy, including the resolve of the elite to pay more in taxes to bring change about, and the adoption of a sequenced approach to consolidated development in conflicted areas. Control of territory and effective state presence improved citizen security, strengthened confidence in democracy and the legitimate state, promoted economic development, and helped mitigate the effect of illegal drugs. Peru can benefit from the Colombian experience especially in terms of the importance of legitimate state authority, improved institutions, gaining the support of local citizens, and furthering development to wean communities away from drugs. State coordinated "integration" efforts in Peru as practiced in Colombia have the potential for success if properly calibrated to Peruvian reality, coordinated within government, and provided with sufficient resources. Peru's traditionally weak political institutions and lack of public confidence in the state in many areas of the country must be overcome if this effort is to be successful.

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Hasta hace casi una década, la guerra contra el terrorismo fue una lucha solitaria de los Estados. Actualmente y debido a las implicaciones globales de este fenómeno, las acciones contra este flagelo han adquirido connotación internacional. Gran parte de los países miembros de las Naciones Unidas han acogido esta guerra –contra un enemigo común, pero indefinido- como un compromiso político en favor de la paz y seguridad internacional. La producción constante de instrumentos internacionales que condenan el terrorismo y que exigen tomar medidas para combatirlo, demuestran que esa intención política originaria se ha decantado en el ordenamiento internacional como una obligación autónoma, de carácter consuetudinario; que hace que actualmente no haya país en el mundo que pueda excusarse de combatir al terrorismo (interno o transnacional) independientemente de las justificaciones que se puedan aludir para el no cumplimiento.

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Polyfluorene end-capped with N-(2-benzothiazole)-1 8-naphthalimide (PF-BNI) is a highly fluorescent material with fluorescence emission modulated by solvent polarity Its low energy excited state is assigned as a mixed configuration state between the singlet S(1) of the fluorene backbone (F) with the charge transfer (CI) of the end group BNI The triexponential fluorescence decays of PF-BNI were associated with fast energy migration to form an intrachain charge-transfer (ICCT) state polyfluorene backbone decay and ICCT deactivation Time-resolved fluorescence anisotropy exhibited biexponential relaxation with a fast component of 12-16 ps in addition to a slow one in the range 0 8-1 4 ns depending on the solvent showing that depolarization occurs from two different processes energy migration to form the ICCT state and slow rotational diffusion motion of end segments at a longer time Results from femtosecond transient absorption measurements agreed with anisotropy decay and showed a decay component of about 16 ps at 605 nm in PF BNI ascribed to the conversion of S(1) to the ICCT excited state From the ratio of asymptotic and initial amplitudes of the transient absorption measurement the efficiency of intrachain ICCT formation is estimated in 0 5 which means that on average, half of the excited state formed in a BNI-(F)(n)-BNI chain with n = 32 is converted to its low energy intrachain charge-transfer (ICCT) state

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Very high field (29)Si-NMR measurements using a fully (29)Si-enriched URu(2)Si(2) single crystal were carried out in order to microscopically investigate the hidden order (HO) state and adjacent magnetic phases in the high field limit. At the lowest measured temperature of 0.4 K, a clear anomaly reflecting a Fermi surface instability near 22 T inside the HO state is detected by the (29)Si shift, (29)K(c). Moreover, a strong enhancement of (29)K(c) develops near a critical field H(c) ≃ 35.6 T, and the ^{29}Si-NMR signal disappears suddenly at H(c), indicating the total suppression of the HO state. Nevertheless, a weak and shifted (29)Si-NMR signal reappears for fields higher than H(c) at 4.2 K, providing evidence for a magnetic structure within the magnetic phase caused by the Ising-type anisotropy of the uranium ordered moments.

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We evaluate the coincidence spectra in the nonmesonic weak decay (NMWD) Lambda N -> nN of Lambda hypernuclei (4)(Lambda)He, (5)(Lambda)He, (12)(Lambda)C, (16)(Lambda)O, and (28)(Lambda)Si, as a function of the sum of kinetic energies E(nN)=E(n)+E(N) for N=n,p. The strangeness-changing transition potential is described by the one-meson-exchange model, with commonly used parametrization. Two versions of the independent-particle shell model (IPSM) are employed to account for the nuclear structure of the final residual nuclei. They are as follows: (a) IPSM-a, where no correlation, except for the Pauli principle, is taken into account and (b) IPSM-b, where the highly excited hole states are considered to be quasistationary and are described by Breit-Wigner distributions, whose widths are estimated from the experimental data. All np and nn spectra exhibit a series of peaks in the energy interval 110 MeV < E(nN)< 170 MeV, one for each occupied shell-model state. Within the IPSM-a, and because of the recoil effect, each peak covers an energy interval proportional to A(-1) , going from congruent to 4 MeV for (28)(Lambda)Si to congruent to 40 MeV for (4)(Lambda)He. Such a description could be pretty fair for the light (4)(Lambda)He and (5)(Lambda)He hypernuclei. For the remaining, heavier, hypernuclei it is very important, however, to consider as well the spreading in strength of the deep-hole states and bring into play the IPSM-b approach. Notwithstanding the nuclear model that is employed the results depend only very weakly on the details of the dynamics involved in the decay process proper. We propose that the IPSM is the appropriate lowest-order approximation for the theoretical calculations of the of kinetic energy sum spectra in the NMWD. It is in comparison to this picture that one should appraise the effects of the final-state interactions and of the two-nucleon-induced decay mode.

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We show that measurements of finite duration performed on an open two-state system can protect the initial state from a phase-noisy environment, provided the measured observable does not commute with the perturbing interaction. When the measured observable commutes with the environmental interaction, the finite-duration measurement accelerates the rate of decoherence induced by the phase noise. For the description of the measurement of an observable that is incompatible with the interaction between system and environment, we have found an approximate analytical expression, valid at zero temperature and weak coupling with the measuring device. We have tested the validity of the analytical predictions against an exact numerical approach, based on the superoperator-splitting method, that confirms the protection of the initial state of the system. When the coupling between the system and the measuring apparatus increases beyond the range of validity of the analytical approximation, the initial state is still protected by the finite-time measurement, according with the exact numerical calculations.

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The main objective of this study was to examine the relationships among demographic characteristics, depressive symptoms, and cognitive impairment in oldest-old elders from rural areas of the Brazilian State of Rio Grande do Sul. A cross-sectional, descriptive correlational design was used to conduct the study. 137 Brazilian elders age 80 years or over. A target population data form, a county data form, a demographic questionnaire, the Mini-Mental State Examination, and the Depressive Cognition Scale were used to collect the data. A significant difference was found between males and females in regard to cognitive impairment. In addition, educational level and depressive symptoms were correlated with cognitive impairment. Depressive symptoms were a weak but significant predictor of cognitive impairment after controlling for the effect of age, gender, and educational level of the oldest-old elders. The findings need to be interpreted cautiously since the sample scored above the cutoff points for cognitive impairment, and had low scores on depressive symptoms. Despite several limitations, findings from this study can be a foundation for further studies, and well-designed correlational or experimental approaches, are warranted.