Between global ambitions and local change:how multi-level cooperation advances norm implementation in weak states

The purpose of this article is to investigate in which ways multi-level actor cooperation advances national and local implementation processes of human rights norms in weak-state contexts. Examining the cases of women’s rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina and children’s rights in Bangladesh, we comparatively point to some advantages and disadvantages cooperative relations between international organisations, national governments and local NGOs can entail. Whereas these multi-level actor constellations (MACs) usually initiate norm implementation processes reliably and compensate governmental deficits, they are not always sustainable in the long run. If international organisations withdraw support from temporary missions or policy projects, local NGOs are not able to perpetuate implementation activities if state capacities have not been strengthened by MACs. Our aim is to highlight functions of local agency within multi-level cooperation and to critically raise sustainability issues in human rights implementation to supplement norm research in International Relations.

Guatemala: A Failing State?

 Guatemala is not a failed state and is unlikely to become one in the near future. Although the state currently fails to provide adequate security to its citizens or an appropriate range of effective social programs, it does supply a functioning electoral democracy, sound economic management, and a promising new antipoverty program, My Family Progresses (MIFAPRO).  Guatemala is a weak state. The principal security threats represented by expanding Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), criminal parallel powers, and urban gangs have overwhelmed the resources of the under-resourced and compromised criminal justice system. The UN-sponsored International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), however, has demonstrated that progress against organized crime is possible.  The principal obstacles to strengthening the Guatemalan state lie in the traditional economic elite’s resistance to taxation and the venal political class’ narrow focus on short-term interests. Guatemala lacks a strong, policyoriented, mass-based political party that could develop a coherent national reform program and mobilize public support around it.  The United States should strengthen the Guatemalan state by expanding the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) and by strongly supporting CICIG, MIFAPRO, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE).

Security evaluation of Rakaposhi Stream Cipher

Rakaposhi is a synchronous stream cipher, which uses three main components: a non-linear feedback shift register (NLFSR), a dynamic linear feedback shift register (DLFSR) and a non-linear filtering function (NLF). NLFSR consists of 128 bits and is initialised by the secret key K. DLFSR holds 192 bits and is initialised by an initial vector (IV). NLF takes 8-bit inputs and returns a single output bit. The work identifies weaknesses and properties of the cipher. The main observation is that the initialisation procedure has the so-called sliding property. The property can be used to launch distinguishing and key recovery attacks. The distinguisher needs four observations of the related (K,IV) pairs. The key recovery algorithm allows to discover the secret key K after observing 29 pairs of (K,IV). Based on the proposed related-key attack, the number of related (K,IV) pairs is 2(128 + 192)/4 pairs. Further the cipher is studied when the registers enter short cycles. When NLFSR is set to all ones, then the cipher degenerates to a linear feedback shift register with a non-linear filter. Consequently, the initial state (and Secret Key and IV) can be recovered with complexity 263.87. If DLFSR is set to all zeros, then NLF reduces to a low non-linearity filter function. As the result, the cipher is insecure allowing the adversary to distinguish it from a random cipher after 217 observations of keystream bits. There is also the key recovery algorithm that allows to find the secret key with complexity 2 54.

Implicações políticas da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento em Moçambique: da solidariedade socialista à trajetória tradicional do norte e à experiência emergente do sul (1975-2013)

Esta Tese examina as implicações políticas da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento de Moçambique em três momentos: (i) o período referente à solidariedade socialista; (ii) o contexto da cooperação tradicional Norte-Sul; (iii) a experiência (re) emergente da Cooperação Sul-Sul. Nossa incursão analítica mostra que foram cerca de 40 anos de cooperação internacional que permitiram uma série de transformações em nível político, econômico e social, e que construíram um país como um autêntico artefato de intervenção externa. Nesse sentido, analisam-se os efeitos políticos provocados pelas três propostas sugeridas de cooperação na esfera doméstica de Moçambique. Por um lado, constata-se que a cooperação internacional acaba por constituir-se em projeto de poder que afeta a produção de políticas públicas, a construção da autonomia e, mais recentemente, o processo de democratização em curso. Por outro, evidencia-se que os atores internacionais que atuam no campo da cooperação para o desenvolvimento em Moçambique agem imbuídos de seus respectivos interesses e agendas de política externa. Na relação entre os distintos atores e o Estado moçambicano, identificam-se alguns fatores-chave, tais como a fraca capacidade estatal, a existência de enormes assimetrias entre Moçambique e seus parceiros, o vício em receber cooperação que transforma essa relação em uma das principais fontes de manutenção do Estado, bem como a preservação das elites políticas tradicionais fatores que limitam o alcance dos objetivos reais de desenvolvimento que as distintas formas e modalidades de cooperação internacional prometem e buscam promover.

'Robes on Tight Ropes: The Judicialisation of Politics in Nigeria'

This account of judicialised politics in the Nigerian transition experience examines the regulation of the judiciary of the political space, through the resolution of intergovernmental contestations in a dysfunctional federation. It analyses the judicialisation of elite power disputes which have resonance for due process and the rule of law in particular and governance in general. A study of the role of the judiciary in stabilising the country, itself a pivot in the West Africa region in particular and Africa in general, is important. This is especially in view of its classification as a ‘weak state,’ despite its enormous human and natural resources. The analyses here suggest the Supreme Court has taken a strategic position in the task of democratic institutional building and the reinstitution of the rule of law in the country. This strategic measure has received the acclaim of the public. However, the account also discloses that the judiciary, in the course of its numerous interventions, has been drawn into overly political disputes that overreach its jurisprudential preferences. Of even more significance, it demonstrates that the judiciary is itself still challenged by institutional dysfunctions constituting part of the legacies of the authoritarian era. The situation leads back to the need for closer scrutiny of the judicial function in transitional societies.

O desafio da segurança na República da Guiné - Bissau. Que vias estratégicas de exequibilidade da reforma do sector da segurança para a saída da crise?

Depois de várias tentativas internas sem sucesso na construção da arquitetação da Segurança na sua dimensão clássica e sobretudo Humana, e depois de várias tentativas infrutíferas da intervenção externa no quadro implementação da Reforma do Sector e Segurança (RSS), e o Desarmamento, Desmobilização e Reintegração (DDR) a República da Guiné-Bissau (RGB) está estruturalmente e conjunturalmente confrontada por uma tendência irreversível da segurança no quadro das políticas internas de segurança e defesa, que situa politicamente o País num 18 Estado em situação de Fragilidade, com incapacidade de garantir o bem-estar e o desenvolvimento, com nível de corrupção elevado, com défice democrático e de Estado de Direito, com défice de padrões de boa governação, e falta de liberdade politica e violações sistemática dos Direitos humanos; economicamente o País é dos mais pobres do Mundo, com elevado índice de pobreza, totalmente dependente do exterior, com vazio de infraestrutura económicas de base, escassos investimentos estrangeiro, elevado endividamento externo e queda permanente de PIB; socialmente, praticamente sem Estado providencia, ocupa a 176ª posição entre os 186 países com IDH baixo, abaixo da média sub-regional e continental, com pobreza generalizada e uma baixa eesperança de vida (48,6 anos), défice de cobertura de saúde e de infraestruturas básicas a esse nível e patente défice de infraestrutura de Ensino; incapaz de garantir a segurança da população, é caracterizado pela insubordinação ao poder político, com Forças Armadas sem formação, desestabilizadoras da paz social e incentivadoras do narcotráfico. É neste sentido que a RSS é vista interna e externamente como a via por excelência da saída da crise de governação política, económica, social e securitária, uma pedra chave na viabilidade da reconstrução da paz, do desenvolvimento e da consolidação e efetivação do Estado de direito- fundada numa perspetiva e abordagem holística, transparente e abrangente, focalizada no tempo e em quatro dimensões: politica, económica, social e securitária, tendo como eixo e chave do sucesso a apropriação, a liderança de Portugal, a abordagem abrangente e coordenada, o smart stratgy-o mecanismo de pressão, de controlo e monitorização de exequibilidade.

La piratería de Nigeria como una amenaza a la seguridad marítima del Golfo de Guinea (2007-2012). Una aproximación desde el crimen organizado

Desde finales de los 70 la piratería se convirtió en un problema para Nigeria. Con el tiempo adquirió características del crimen organizado y en 2010 se transformó en un problema transnacional, afectando a Estados del golfo de Guinea. Así, a través de una base conceptual, el estudio de caso concluyó que los factores internos –como la pobreza, debilidad estatal y marginalización- y externos –siendo ellos la falta de políticas internas destinadas a las aguas y la ausencia de estrategias marítimas en la región- de la piratería, crearon una dinámica para que dicha actividad se convirtiera en una amenaza a la seguridad marítima del golfo de Guinea, tomando como referencia a Benín y Togo. Siguiendo la línea argumentativa, se demuestra que la búsqueda de una solución a la delincuencia marítima ha generado interacciones de seguridad que sugieren las primeras fases de un posible complejo de seguridad regional.

Biotechnology and governance in Australia and Sweden: path dependency or instutional convergence?

The development of new generic technologies occurs within traditional structures of industry-government interaction, but also unleashes a process of 'creative destruction' generating new institutional patterns. This article, focusing on biotechnology, describes and compares policy processes and institutional arrangements in Australia and Sweden. The Swedish biotechnology sector displays a pattern of fragmentation and relatively weak state steering. Australia, by contrast, has implemented a set of comparatively coordinated regulatory and other measures to foster the growth of biotechnology. This observation contradicts the characterisation of Sweden as a 'strong state' economy, and challenges the depiction of Australia as lacking in state steering capacity. The relative open-endedness of the search in these countries for a mode of regulation of biotechnology suggests that the role of the state in economic restructuring today is fundamentally distinct from that of earlier periods.

Tribes and political representation: the case of post-war Iraq

 Ten years have passed since the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, and the political scene in Iraq is still blurry. Iraq was promoted to be the democratic example in the Middle East. The US came to Iraq to “create” a democratic system that can be a model for other countries in the region. A major factor in creating such environment is by changing the radical centralised totalitarian regime with a weak state that can give more space to building the civil society in new Iraq (Looney, 2003). Nonetheless, the socio-economic and political indicators of the newly installed political “democratic” system point to notable failures. Apart from poor socio-economic factors, the new political elite has either misused democracy for personal, ethno-sectarian or partisan gains or abused the system to ensure their long lasting presence in the decision making arena. Corruption, disconnection from electorate, poor performance and carelessness of politicians and failing state service provisions have all made citizens question the feasibility of political participation in elections. The electorate seem to have lesser faith in the political parties and blocs whose legitimacy of representation  is at stake. Noticeably, tribes have stepped forward to mobilise people as a non-partisan and independent powerful social structure. They have been active in lobbying the state as well as encouraging their members for active participation. This paper discusses the extent to which Iraqi tribes are involved in political participation. It explores their roles in active citizenship and the way they represent and mobilise their  members. It also probes whether tribes have the influence on shaping the political trajectory in Iraq.

The Feasibility of Cuban Market Economy: A Comparison with Vietnam

In spite of the difficulties incurred by its people, Cuba has maintained a centrally planned economy with single party system. On the contrary, Vietnam has introduced a market economy under communist rule, and succeeded in generally improving living standards. The factors that contributed to the introduction of Vietnamese-style reforms are (1) severe economic crisis, (2) demonstration effects from neighboring countries, (3) poor social policy, (4) initiatives by ex-conservative leader/s, and (5) weak state capacity. The conditions to sustain high economic growth are (1) social sectors familiar with capitalist economics, (2) abundant labor forces with relatively low labor cost, and (3) investment by exiles. This paper analyzes to what extent Cuba meets these conditions.

Consolidating Security and Development in Colombia: Lessons for Peru and Panama

Colombia's increasingly effective efforts to mitigate the power of the FARC and other illegitimately armed groups in the country can offer important lessons for the Peruvian government as it strives to prevent a resurgence of Sendero Luminoso and other illegal non-state actors. Both countries share certain particular challenges: deep economic, social, and in the case of Peru ethnic divisions, the presence of and/or the effects of violent insurgencies, a large-scale narcotics production and trafficking, and a history of weak state presence in large tracts of isolated and scarcely-populated areas. Important differences exist, however in the nature of the insurgencies in the two countries, the government response to them and the nature of government and society that affects the applicability of Colombia's experience to Peru. The security threat to Panama from drug trafficking and Colombian insurgents --often a linked phenomenon-- are in many ways different from the drug/insurgent factor in Colombia itself and in Peru, although there are similar variables. Unlike the Colombian and Peruvian cases, the security threat in Panama is not directed against the state, there are no domestic elements seeking to overthrow the government -- as the case of the FARC and Sendero Luminoso, security problems have not spilled over from rural to urban areas in Panama, and there is no ideological component at play in driving the threat. Nor is drug cultivation a major factor in Panama as it is in Colombia and Peru. The key variable that is shared among all three cases is the threat of extra-state actors controlling remote rural areas or small towns where state presence is minimal. The central lesson learned from Colombia is the need to define and then address the key problem of a "sovereignity gap," lack of legitimate state presence in many part of the country. Colombia's success in broadening the presence of the national government between 2002 and the presence is owed to many factors, including an effective national strategy, improvements in the armed forces and police, political will on the part of government for a sustained effort, citizen buy-in to the national strategy, including the resolve of the elite to pay more in taxes to bring change about, and the adoption of a sequenced approach to consolidated development in conflicted areas. Control of territory and effective state presence improved citizen security, strengthened confidence in democracy and the legitimate state, promoted economic development, and helped mitigate the effect of illegal drugs. Peru can benefit from the Colombian experience especially in terms of the importance of legitimate state authority, improved institutions, gaining the support of local citizens, and furthering development to wean communities away from drugs. State coordinated "integration" efforts in Peru as practiced in Colombia have the potential for success if properly calibrated to Peruvian reality, coordinated within government, and provided with sufficient resources. Peru's traditionally weak political institutions and lack of public confidence in the state in many areas of the country must be overcome if this effort is to be successful.

La institucionalización de la lucha contra el terrorismo transnacional a través del derecho internacional

Hasta hace casi una década, la guerra contra el terrorismo fue una lucha solitaria de los Estados. Actualmente y debido a las implicaciones globales de este fenómeno, las acciones contra este flagelo han adquirido connotación internacional. Gran parte de los países miembros de las Naciones Unidas han acogido esta guerra –contra un enemigo común, pero indefinido- como un compromiso político en favor de la paz y seguridad internacional. La producción constante de instrumentos internacionales que condenan el terrorismo y que exigen tomar medidas para combatirlo, demuestran que esa intención política originaria se ha decantado en el ordenamiento internacional como una obligación autónoma, de carácter consuetudinario; que hace que actualmente no haya país en el mundo que pueda excusarse de combatir al terrorismo (interno o transnacional) independientemente de las justificaciones que se puedan aludir para el no cumplimiento.

Cavitation in brittle metallic glasses - Effects of stress state and distributed weak zones

Experimental studies and atomistic simulations have shown that brittle metallic glasses fail by a cavitation mechanism whose origin has been traced to the presence of intrinsic atomic density fluctuations which give rise to weak zones with reduced yield strength. It has been shown recently through continuum analysis that the presence of these zones can lower the cavitation stress considerably under equibiaxial loading. The objective of the present work is to study the effect of the applied stress state on the cavitation behavior of such a heterogeneous plastic solid with distributed weak zones. To this end, 2D plane strain finite element simulations are performed by subjecting a unit cell containing a weak zone to different (biaxiality) stress ratios. The volume fraction and yield strength of the weak zone are varied over a wide range. The results show that unlike in a homogeneous plastic solid, the cavitation stress of the heterogeneous aggregate does not reduce appreciably as the stress ratio decreases from unity when the yield strength of the weak zone is low. It is found that a non-dimensional parameter characterizing the stress state prevailing in the weak zone and its yield properties uniquely control the cavitation stress. The nature of cavitation bifurcation may change from unstable bifurcation to the left at sufficiently low stress ratio to one involving snap cavitation at high stress ratio. (C) 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Continuous weak measurement and feedback control of a solid-state charge qubit: A physical unravelling of non-Lindblad master equation

Conventional quantum trajectory theory developed in quantum optics is largely based on the physical unravelling of a Lindblad-type master equation, which constitutes the theoretical basis of continuous quantum measurement and feedback control. In this work, in the context of continuous quantum measurement and feedback control of a solid-state charge qubit, we present a physical unravelling scheme of a non-Lindblad-type master equation. Self-consistency and numerical efficiency are well demonstrated. In particular, the control effect is manifested in the detector noise spectrum, and the effect of measurement voltage is discussed.