Souterrain in Grallagh Lower Td. Co. Waterford

A souterrain was discovered here when the weight of a tractor passing overhead caused a collapse of the roof of Chamber I. It was surveyed in March 1976. The landowner, Mr. Thomas Curran of Ballylangdon has consented to keep the site open for future inspection. The site is not directly connected with any visible surface structure. A small uni-vallate ringfort is however situated c.I60m S.S.E. of the site. The bedrock is a slaty sandstone.

Summary of a study of county Cork souterrains

There are several thousand souterrains in Ireland, and in Co. Cork to date we have records of the existence of approximately 500. The scientific name souterrain is an antiquarian's term for these monuments. Other names used in the past were Dane's Hole and Rath Cave. Folknames for souterrains range from the nondescript Cave or Poll Talaimh to, in specific cases, Tigh-faoi-thalamh and Carraig-an-tseomra. Dr Anthony Lucas states in a recent paper (2) that probably, during the period in which they were used, one of the common names for a souterrain was Uam (Uaimh in modern Irish).

A souterrain at Corran, Co. Cork

This site was first discovered when the weight of a mechanical digger overhead caused the roof of the main chamber to collapse. This was in November 1975 and it was first reported in the Cork Examiner where it was described as a lios.

The Aghadown bronze axes, Paddock Td., Co. Cork

A brief account of the two axes to be described and illustrated here was published by Power in 1926. He states that they were discovered at Aghadown near Baltimore, in a souterrain locally known as Poll-a-Talmhain

Journeying to a journal

At a Council meeting of the newly-formed Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, 17 November 1891, the Chairman /President, Revd R.A. Canon Sheehan, 'informed the meeting that Mr. Robert Day had been generous enough to place his valuable edition of Smith's History, with notes by Dr. Caulfield and Crofton Croker, at the disposal of the Society for publication'. At a subsequent meeting Wm Ringrose Atkins expressed the Society's thanks to W.A. Copinger 'who has kindly consented to edit Smith's Cork with Mr. Robert Day'. Thus began the work of rounding out close to two and a half centuries of antiquarian endeavour in Cork and of using its synthesis as a foundation for a new medium to record and communicate the social and cultural heritage of Cork city and county.

Dunisky, Co. Cork: a refuge souterrain?

The townland of Dunisky (Dún Uisce, 'water fort', see Ó Murchadha 2001, 98) is situated about 2.5 miles to the SE of Macroom, Co. Cork (Ill. 1). It is also the Civil Parish of Dunisky, and is located in the Barony of West Muskerry. In extent, it contains over one thousand acres. It was first surveyed by the Ordnance Survey of Ireland in 1841-42. An earlier survey of the townland survives, drawn by the Cork cartographer, Patrick Aher. It is dated 1791, and shows sub-denominations.

Ballineaspigmore and Bishopstown House

Ballineaspig, anglicised Bishopstown, consists of two townlands which are Ballineaspigmore and Ballineaspigbeg. Taken together, both townlands oc­cupy an area identifiable in modern day terms as lying approximately be­tween the old Glasheen National School on the east side and what was, until recently, the University Farm Curraheen Road on the west. A townland is the smallest administrative land division in Ireland. Historians and other scholars are as yet inconclusive about the origins of these divisions. They are certainly as old as the seventeenth century. The townland with which this booklet is concerned is known as Ballineaspigmore. It extends west from the new Regional Hospital at Wilton and includes modern housing estates such as Uam-Var, Benvoirlich and Firgrove. The simplest translation of the townland name is the large land division of the bishop. To clarify a popular misconception, Bishopstown does not derive its name from the fact that in the early eighteenth century a bishop of Cork built his country residence there. The name is much older and can be found in sources dating back to the sixteenth century.

Policy Transfer and the Sustainability of Public Private Partnership in Ireland::A conceptual analysis

There has been private sector involvement in the delivery of public services in the Irish State since its foundation. This involvement was formalised in 1998 when Public Private Partnership (PPP) was officially introduced. Ireland is a latecomer to PPP and, prior to the credit crisis, was seen as a ‘rapid follower’ relying primarily on the UK PPP model in the procurement of infrastructure in transport, education, housing/urban regeneration and water/wastewater.  PPP activity in Ireland stalled during the credit crisis, and some projects were cancelled, but it has taken off again recently with part of the Infrastructure and Capital Investment Plan 2016 – 2021 to be delivered through PPP showing continuing political commitment to PPP.  Ireland’s interest in PPP cannot be explained by economic rationale alone, as PPP was initiated during a period of prosperity. We consider three alternative explanations: voluntary adoption – where the UK model was closely followed; coercive adoption – where PPP policy was forced upon Ireland; and institutional isomorphism – where institutional creation and change was promoted to aid public sector organisations in gaining institutional legitimacy. We find evidence of all three patterns, with coercive adoption becoming more relevant in recent years. Ireland’s rapid uptake of PPP differs from other European countries, mostly because when PPP was introduced in 1998, the Irish State was in an economic position where it could have directly procured necessary infrastructure. This paper therefore asks why PPP was adopted and how this adoption pattern has affected the sustainability of PPP in Ireland.  This paper defines PPP; examines the background to the PPP approach adopted in Ireland; outlines the theoretical framework of the paper: transfer theory and institutional theory; discusses the methodology; reports on findings and gives conclusions.   

The 1863 Melbourne Shakespeare War: Barry Sullivan, Charles and Ellen Kean, and the Play of Cultural Usurpation on the Australian Stage

This essay investigates an intricate drama of cultural identity in performances of Shakespeare on the nineteenth-century Melbourne stage. It considers the rivalry between Charles and Ellen Kean and their competitor, Barry Sullivan, for the two-month period in 1863 during which their Australian tours overlapped. This Melbourne Shakespeare war was anticipated,augmented, and richly documented in Melbourne’s papers: The Age, The Argus and Melbourne Punch. This essay pursues two seams of inquiry. The first is an investigation of the discourses of cultural and aesthetic value laced through the language of reviews of their Shakespearean roles.The essay identifies how reviewers register affective engagement with the performers in these roles, and suggests how the roles themselves reflected, by accident or design, the terms of the dispute. The second is concerned with the national identity of the actors. Kean, although born in Waterford, Ireland, had held the post of Queen Victoria’s Master of the Revels and identified himself as English. Sullivan, although born in Birmingham, was of Cork parentage and was identified as Irish by both his supporters and his detractors. This essay tracks the development of the actors’ national and artistic identities established prior to Melbourne and ask how they played out on in the context of the particularities of Australian reception. It shows that, in this instance, these actors were implicated in complex debates over national authority and cultural ownership.

The role of the National Audit Office in Private Finance Initiative endurance

The Private Finance Initiative (PFI) has become one of the UK’s most contentious public policies. Despite New Labour’s advocacy of PFI as a means of achieving better value for money, criticisms of PFI have centred on key issues such as a lack of cost effectiveness, exaggerated pricing of risk transfers, excessive private sector profits, inflexibility and cumbersome administrative arrangements. Nevertheless, PFI has persisted as a key
infrastructure procurement method in the UK and has been supported as such by successive governments, as well as influencing policy in the Republic of Ireland and other European Nations. This paper explores this paradoxical outcome in relation to the role played in the UK by the National Audit Office (NAO). Under pressure to justify its support for PFI, the Blair government sought support for its policies by encouraging the NAO to investigate issues relating to PFI as well as specific PFI projects. It would have been expected that in fulfilling its role as independent auditor, the NAO would have examined whether PFI projects could have been delivered more efficiently, effectively or economically through other means. Yet, in line with earlier research, we find evidence that the NAO failed to comprehensively assess
key issues such as the value for money of PFI projects, and in so doing effectively acted as a legitimator of PFI policy. Using concepts relating to legitimacy theory and the idea of framing, our paper looks into 67 NAO private finance reports published between 1997 and 2011, with the goal of identifying the preferences, values and ideology underpinning the
NAO’s view on PFI during this period. Our analysis suggests that the NAO sought to legitimise existing PFI practices via a selective framing of problems and questions. Utilising a longitudinal approach, our analysis further suggests that this patterns of selective framing persisted over an extended time period during which fundamental parameters of the policy (such as contract length, to name one of the most important issues) were rarely addressed.
Overall the NAO’ supportive stance toward PFI seems to have relied on 1) a focused on positive aspects of PFI, such as on time delivery or lessons learned, and 2) positive comments on aspects of PFI that were criticised elsewhere, such as the lack of flexibility of underlying contractual arrangements. Our paper highlights the possibility that, rather than providing for a critical assessment of existing policies, national auditing bodies can
contribute to the creation of legitimatory environments. In terms of accounting research we would suggests that the objectivity and independence of accounting watchdogs should not be taken for granted, and that instead a critical investigation of the biases which can characterise these bodies can contribute to a deeper understanding of the nature of lobbying networks in the modern state.

Building public policy on shifting sands: the case of the National Asset Management Agency

Over the last thirty years, there has been an increased demand for better management of public sector organisations (PSOs). This requires that they are answerable for the inputs that they are given but also for what they achieve with these inputs (Hood 1991; Hood 1995). It is suggested that this will improve the management of the organisation through better planning and control, and the achievement of greater accountability (Smith 1995). However, such a rational approach with clear goals and the means to measure achievement can cause difficulties for many PSOs. These difficulties include the distinctive nature of the public sector due to the political environment within which the public sector manager operates (Stewart and Walsh 1992) and the fact that PSOs will have many stakeholders, each of whom will have their own specific objectives based on their own perspective (Boyle 1995). This can
result in goal ambiguity which means that there is leeway in interpreting the results of the PSO. The National Asset Management Agency (NAMA) was set up to bring stability to the financial system by buying loans from the banks (which were in most cases, non-performing loans). The intention was to cleanse the banks of these loans so that they could return to their normal business of taking deposits and making loans. However, the legislation, also gave NAMA a wide range of other responsibilities including responsibility for facilitating credit in the economy and protecting the interests of taxpayers. In more recent times, NAMA has been given responsibility for building social housing. This wide-range of activities is a clear example of a PSO being given multiple goals which may conflict and is therefore likely to lead to goal ambiguity. This makes it very difficult to evaluate NAMA’s performance as they are attempting to meet numerous goals at the same time and also highlights the complexity of policy making in the public sector. The purpose of this paper is to examine how NAMA dealt with goal ambiguity. This will be done through a thematic analysis of its annual reports over the last five years. The paper’s will contribute to the ongoing debate about the evaluation of PSOs and the complex environment within which they operate which makes evaluation difficult as they are
answerable to multiple stakeholders who have different objectives and different criteria for measuring success.

A history of the county Dublin; the people, parishes and antiquities from the earliest times to the close of the eighteenth century.

Vol. 5 published by the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland under title: Howth and its owners.

Efficacy of sod removal in regenerating fen vegetation for the conservation of the marsh fritillary butterfly Euphydryas aurinia, Montiaghs Moss Nature Reserve, County Antrim, Northern Ireland.

The efficacy of ‘sod removal’ as a fenland restoration technique was tested using an experimental approach at Montiaghs Moss Nature Reserve, Northern Ireland, from 2006 to 2008. The site suffered from rank growth of purple moor-grass Molinia caerulea which was out-competing herbaceous species. Soil was removed up to a depth of 15 cm completely denuding vegetation in the experimental plot exposing bare peat. By July 2007, 15.2% of sod-removal areas were revegetated; by October 2008 cover had risen to 64.6%. Of this cover, purple moor-grass accounted for only 9-11% compared to 78- 79% on control plots. Cover of other rank-forming grass species was also significantly reduced. Sod removal significantly increased the cover of species characteristic of fenlands including sedges Carex spp., rushes Juncus spp., marsh pennywort Hydrocotyle vulgaris and lesser spearwort Ranunculus flammula. It seems likely that sod removal, which lowered the surface of the peat, restored minerotrophic conditions and exposed the historical seed bank stimulating regeneration of some fenland specialists and pioneer species; this resulted in significantly higher species richness on sod removal plots than control plots two years after treatment. There was no demonstrable effect of sod removal on abundance of devil’s-bit scabious Succisa pratensis, the larval food plant of the Annex II listed marsh fritillary butterfly Euphydryas aurinia. We recommend that consideration should be given to artificially seeding devil’s-bit scabious soon after sod removal treatment to promote early recolonisation and to increase plant abundance on the site.