Endgame for the West in Afghanistan? : explaining the decline in support for the war in Afghanistan in the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, France and Germany /

Analyses of the War in Afghanistan frequently mention the declining or shaky domestic support for the conflict in the United States and among several U.S. allies. This paper dates the beginning of this decline back to the resurgence of the Taliban in 2005-06 and suggests that the deteriorating course of the war on the ground in Afghanistan itself along with mounting casualties is the key reason behind this drop in domestic support for the war.

The great asymmetry : America's closest allies in times of war

This dissertation focuses on military cooperation between the United States and its special allies. It argues that alliance expectations determine the level of military cooperation, while two intervening variables - the level of government cohesion and military capabilities - determine its implementation. This study also shows how secondary states deploy strategies to overcome power asymmetries through bilateral concessions, international organizations and by appealing to principle. The focus of the research is on special allies, as they have the most to gain or lose by going along with American plans. My contention is that secondary allies can rarely influence the dominant ally decisively, but they can act autonomously and resist to pressures exerted by the stronger alliance partner. The argument builds on three central claims. First, power asymmetries between allies translate into different assessments of international threats. Second, when disagreements over threats arise, the outcome of intra-alliance bargaining is not necessarily dictated by the preferences of the stronger power. Third, secondary states, as opposed to the dominant partner, face unique constraints when facing major foreign policy decisions, i.e. they face a trade-off between establishing a credible reputation as an alliance partner in a politically feasible way while minimizing domestic audience costs. To examine the theoretical puzzle presented by asymmetric military cooperation, I introduce a causal explanation that builds on neoclassical realism, to zone in on the interaction between systemic and domestic variables. My research makes a contribution to alliance theory and foreign policy decision-making by studying how special allies respond to American decisions in times of threat and how systemic constraints are channeled through state-level variables. To investigate the causal link between threat perception, alliance expectations and domestic constraints, this study relies on the method of structured focused comparison with three detailed case studies. The focus is on the initial decision made by special allies regarding whether or not to participle in joint mobilization with the United States. The decision-making process is presented from the perspective of secondary allied states and measures the explanatory factors that motivated the decision on military cooperation. The case studies are the UK, Canada and Australia’s response to the war in Afghanistan and the war in Iraq during the period of 2001 to 2003.

The Road from Marja: Wounded in Afghanistan, Capt. Erik Quist '99, USMC, sees another side of combat

Marine Corps Capt. Erik Quist ’99 had fought in two wars. Now he fights again as he recovers from severe wounds suffered in Afghanistan.

The Mirage of the State: Why the West has failed in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 15, July 2014

The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.

BWIU float with banner End War in Vietnam during Mayday march Brisbane 1965

BWIU with float End war in Vietnam during Mayday procession Brisbane, Australia, May 1965.

Read the whole thing: Journalism, weblogs and the re-mediation of the war in Iraq

This paper examines a particular form of online activity-weblogging, and how it has allowed for specific new forms of popular political communication in the context of the Second Gulf War. After describing the basics of weblogging, the paper discusses Western media coverage of the war and then shows how 'warbloggers' positioned themselves vis-à-vis media coverage and propaganda, creating commentaries that frequently combined media and political criticism. While bloggers of every political hue offered a range of perspectives and personal styles, some general tendencies are evident in warblogging discourse. The piece ends by questioning the significance of warblogging in terms of its potential contribution to democratic communication.

International commodity prices, growth and the outbreak of Civil War in Sub-Saharan Africa

To learn more about the effect of economic conditions oncivil war, we examine whether Sub-Saharan civil wars aremore likely to start following downturns in the internationalprice of countries main export commodities. The data showa robust effect of commodity price downturns on the outbreakof civil wars. We also find that Sub-Saharan countries aremore likely to see civil wars following economic downturnsin their main OECD export destinations.

La Palma - Nova Classis: a Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus encampment during the Second Punic War in Iberia

This paper presents the discovery of the oldest Roman camp on the Iberian Peninsula, a camp from the Second Punic War situated in La Palma (Tarragona, Spain), by the mouth of the River Ebro. Although no structural remains have been found, the site's strategic in- terest along with many coins, arms and fragments of amphoras and other objects indicate that a military camp was established here between 218 and 209 BC. Written sources, mainly Polybius and Livy, suggest that La Palma was where the legions of Publius Cornelius Scipio gathered before the attack on Carthago Nova in 209 BC. The paper ends by suggesting that La Palma may be the Roman camp of Nova Classis mentioned by Livy during the events of the war in 217 BC.

From War Pigs to Unsung Heroes: The Criticism and Justification of War in Metal Lyrics

Tässä tutkimuksessa käsitellään heavy metal -kappaleiden sanoitusten sisältöä. Tutkimusmateriaaliin on valittu yksi teema, sota, jonka avulla avataan sanoitusten sisältöä ja merkitystä. Metallimusiikki alakulttuurina on tyylillisesti ja temaattisesti spesifi, ja sillä on omat musiikilliset tavoitteensa. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan erityisesti sitä miten sotaa kritisoidaan tai perustellaan heavy rock -sanoituksissa. Tutkimusmateriaalini koostuu 29 englanninkielisen kappaleen sanoituksesta vuosilta 1970–2012. Edustettuina on useita ajanjaksoja sekä maita. Yhdistävänä tekijänä on englannin kielen lisäksi se, että kaikki sanoitukset käsittelevät modernia länsimaista sodankäyntiä. Tekstit valittiin sen perusteella, että niissä ilmeni positiivinen tai negatiivinen näkökulma sotaan. Tutkimus nojaa Theo van Leeuwenin legitimaatioteoriaan, joka puolestaan pohjautuu diskurssianalyysiin. Legitimaatioteoria käsittää neljä strategiaa, jotka voivat joko kritisoida tai perustella sosiaalisia käytänteitä. Ne ovat auktoriteetteihin vetoaminen, moraalinen arviointi, järkeistäminen ja mytopoeesi. Yksi tavoitteistani tutkimuksessani on selvittää legitimaatioteorian toimivuutta omassa materiaalissani. Käytän metodina lähilukua, joka mahdollistaa niiden sanojen ja ilmaisujen identifioimisen, jotka ovat näkökulmaltaan joko positiivisesti tai negatiivisesti sotaan suhtautuvia. Analyysini kannalta tärkeitä ovat sekä kieli- että kulttuurikonteksti, sillä ne määrittelevät sanojen merkityksen. Analyysin perusteella kävi ilmi, että esimerkit jakautuivat eri strategioiden välille hyvin epätasaisesti. Auktoriteetteihin vetoamisen strategiasta löytyi vain yksi esimerkki, kun taas moraalisen arvioinnin esimerkkejä oli neljätoista. Lisäksi kaikkia legitimaatioteorian alaryhmiä ei löytynyt materiaalista ollenkaan. Osalla alaryhmistä oli useita esiintymiä, mutta osalla vain yksi. Esimerkkien epätasaista jakautumista selittää mm. se, että tutkimuksen materiaalin kannalta kaikki alakategoriat eivät ole relevantteja. Jotta tutkimustuloksista saataisiin edustavampi, laajempi otanta olisi tarpeen. Legitimaatioteorian soveltuvuutta sanoituksien yhteydessä tulisi tutkia laajemmin.

"Daily Mail" map of the war in China

Kartta kuuluu A. E. Nordenskiöldin kokoelmaan