Arguments by definition : Felipe Calderón’s war on drugs and the power to persuade

Les études rhétoriques ont documenté la pertinence de la rhétorique présidentielle et le pouvoir du président de définir les enjeux publics par le discours. Cette recherche porte sur les pratiques rhétoriques par lesquelles l'ancien président mexicain Calderón a défini la lutte contre la drogue qui a caractérisé son administration. Je soutiens que Calderón a avancé une définition du problème de la drogue par des pratiques de définition telles que l'association, la dissociation et les symboles de condensation. Mon analyse 1) identifie les pratiques rhétoriques de définition qui ont caractérisé la lutte à la drogue de Calderón; 2) examine les implications de ces pratiques; et 3) aborde les limites auxquelles les politiciens font face en tentant de modifier des définitions préalablement avancées. En conclusion, j’explique comment les métaphores et les pratiques de définition de Calderón ont ouvert un espace rhétorique où les droits humains pouvaient être révoqués et la violence encouragée.

Different Wars Require Different Strategies: Separating the “War on Drugs” from the “War on Drug [Traffickers]”

Using the securitization framework to highlight the arguments that facilitated the “War on Drugs”, this paper highlights a separate war against drug traffickers. Facilitated by ideology through the rhetoric promoted by the “War on Drugs,” the fear of communist expansion and democratic contraction, the “War on Drug Traffickers” was implemented, requiring its own strategy separate from the “War on Drugs.” This is an important distinction because the play on words changes the perception of the issue from one of drug addiction to one of weak institutions and insurgent/terrorist threat to those institutions. Furthermore, one cannot propose strategy to win, lose, or retreat in a war that one has been unable to identify properly. And while the all-encompassing “War on Drugs” has motivated tremendous discourse on its failure and possible solutions to remedy its failure, the generalizations made as a result of the inability to distinguish between the policies behind drug addiction and the militarized policies behind drug trafficking have discounted the effect of violence perpetrated by the state, the rationale for the state perpetrating that violence, and the dependence that the state has on foreign actors to perpetrate such violence. This makes it impossible to not only propose effective strategy but also to persuade states that participate in the “War on Drug Traffickers” to adopt the proposed strategy.

Action plan against Drugs and Drug Addiction: Horizons 2008

Portugese action plan against drugs.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Report Against Drugs- an action plan to combat substance abuse in Longford.

The Forum for Longford was started in 1997 to provide a co-ordinated inter-agency approach to identify and help tackle social problems in Longford. A survey was carried out with 1,331 post-primary students to ascertain attitudes and behaviours towards alcohol, smoking and drug use. Of the pupils interviewed, 64% had taken an alcoholic drink at age 15 or younger; of these 73% had their first drink between the ages of 12 to 15. Of those that had experience of alcohol, 51% drank several times a week or daily. For smoking, 67% had smoked a cigarette; of these 8% smoked 5 or more daily. Of those that smoked, 47% began between the ages of 11 to 14. With regard to illegal drugs 27% had used cannabis, 20% had used inhalants, 10% hallucinogens, 9% amphetamines and 7.4% had used ecstasy. Following on form these findings, the report makes several recommendations, including the formation of a community task force, Garda/ neighbourhood watch response, schools prevention and information. Also among these key areas are the role of parents, the needs of young people and facilities for young people.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

A sermon, preached in Boston, August 20, 1812, the day of humiliation and prayer, appointed by the President of the United States, in consequence of the declaration of war against Great Britain /

Published at the request of the hearers.

A sermon, preached in Boston, August 20, 1812, the day of humiliation and prayer, appointed by the President of the United States, in consequence of the declaration of war against Great Britain

Published at the request of the hearers. Printed by C. Stebbins

A sermon, preached in Boston, July 23, 1812, the day of the publick fast, appointed by the Executive of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in consequence of the declaration of war against Great Britain

Published at the request of the hearers Printed by Greenough and Stebbins

Message from the President of the United States, Recommending an Immediate Declaration of War Against Great Britain (1812)

"June 1st, 1812. Referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. June 3d, 1812. Bill reported, declaring war ..."

A tax on currency transactions as an instrument in the war against poverty

Includes bibliography

Russia's Clandestine War against the United States: The Resurrection of the KGB and Russian Organized Crime Post 9/11

As American leadership has narrowly focused on fighting global terror in Iraq and Afghanistan, the modern version of the KGB, now known as the FSB, has been conducting continuous clandestine warfare operations against the United States. These warfare operations include strategic economic and political partnerships with anti-American entities worldwide and direct embedding of double agents in the US intelligence community. This paper investigates the role of Russia's cultural history leading to the merger of the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) and Russian Organized Crime (ROC). This paper concludes that the FSB is the most pervasive security threat to the United States and that employing Russian native and heritage speakers of Russian in the US intelligence community compromises US national security.