996 resultados para Upper Paleolithic period


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New carbon and nitrogen stable isotope values for human remains dating to the mid-Upper Paleolithic in Europe indicate significant amounts of aquatic (fish, mollusks, and/or birds) foods in some of their diets. Most of this evidence points to exploitation of inland freshwater aquatic resources in particular. By contrast, European Neandertal collagen carbon and nitrogen stable isotope values do not indicate significant use of inland aquatic foods but instead show that they obtained the majority of their protein from terrestrial herbivores. In agreement with recent zooarcheological analyses, the isotope results indicate shifts toward a more broad-spectrum subsistence economy in inland Europe by the mid-Upper Paleolithic period, probably associated with significant population increases.

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Two sites located on the northern Levantine coast, Üçağızlı Cave (Turkey) and Ksar 'Akil (Lebanon) have yielded numerous marine shell beads in association with early Upper Paleolithic stone tools. Accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dates indicate ages between 39,000 and 41,000 radiocarbon years (roughly 41,000–43,000 calendar years) for the oldest ornament-bearing levels in Üçağızlı Cave. Based on stratigraphic evidence, the earliest shell beads from Ksar 'Akil may be even older. These artifacts provide some of the earliest evidence for traditions of personal ornament manufacture by Upper Paleolithic humans in western Asia, comparable in age to similar objects from Eastern Europe and Africa. The new data show that the initial appearance of Upper Paleolithic ornament technologies was essentially simultaneous on three continents. The early appearance and proliferation of ornament technologies appears to have been contingent on variable demographic or social conditions.

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Même si les données disponibles pour le Gravettien méditerranéen ibérique sont réduites et dans des contextes stratigraphiques mal définis, nous présentons dans ce travail les révisions de quelques sites majeurs (Reclau Viver, l"Arbreda, Parpalló, Malladetes, Beneito et Cendres ainsi que de quelques autres gisements. La vision globale du Gravettien méditerranéen ibérique nous montre, dans la période ancienne, une faible présence mais une industrie lithique et osseuse très classique est observée dans les phases moyenne et finale de la période.

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El hueso frontal de équido grabado con una representación de este mismo animal procedente de la Cueva de Hornos de la Peña (Cantabria), se recuperó a principios del pasado siglo XX en las excavaciones de H. Breuil, H. Obermaier y H. Alcalde del Río. A pesar de la atribución auriñaciense de sus excavadores, las diferentes publicaciones posteriores en que la pieza ha sido objeto de análisis, han mantenido siempre la duda de su pertenencia a este tecnocomplejo. A ello ha contribuido el hecho de que la estratigrafía de Hornos de la Peña no ha podido ser hasta el presente estudiada en profundidad, como también, muy probablemente, el carácter naturalista de su representación que parece alejarlo de los presupuestos artísticos del Paleolítico Superior inicial cantábrico. En este trabajo presentamos una serie de datos sobre la estratigrafía del yacimiento, obtenidos de diversos documentos inéditos conservados en el archivo del Museo Arqueológico Nacional de Madrid que, a nuestro juicio, corroboran la pertenencia de esta pieza de arte mueble al Auriñaciense.

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Cova del Gegant is located near the city of Sitges (Barcelona, Spain). The cave is a small karst system which contains Upper Pleistocene archaeological and paleontological material (DauRa et al., 2005). The site was first excavated in 1954 and then in 1972 and 1974- (Viñas, 1972; Viñas & Villalta, 1975) and in 1985 and 1989 (maRtínez et al., 1985; moRa, 1988; maRtínez et al., 1990). Finally, in 2007, Grup de Recerca del Quaternari has restarted the archaeological research at Cova del Gegant (DauRa, 2008; DauRa et al., 2010). A human mandible was recovered during the first field season in 1954 and was recently published by DauRa et al. (2005). In the present study, we describe a new human tooth (left I2) that appeared, like the mandible, in a revision of the faunal material recovered from the site in 1974-1975. The specimen preserves the entire crown and the cervical two thirds of the root (Figure 1). The lack of the root apex makes it difficult to determine if the tooth was fully developed at the time of death. However, CT analysis reveals a pulp cavity that could be still open, suggesting root formation was incomplete. The specimen shows only slight dental wear corresponding to stage 2 of Molnar (1971 en Hillson, 1996). Morphologically, the crown shows slight shovelling and a lingual tubercle and appears similar to Neandertal incisors. Standard crown measurements (buccolingual diameter=7.7 mm; mesiodistal diameter= 7.3 mm) (Figure 2) suggest a fairly large tooth, particularly in the BL dimension, again resembling Neandertals in this regard. Discriminant analysis classified the Gegant incisor as Neandertal with a 99.8% posterior probability (Table 2). Association of this tooth with the previously described mandible is considered unlikely given the different ages at death estimated for each. Thus, there appear to be two individuals preserved in the sediments of the Gegant cave, one adult and one subadult (around 8-10 years old).

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1] We apply a novel computational approach to assess, for the first time, volcanic ash dispersal during the Campanian Ignimbrite (Italy) super-eruption providing insights into eruption dynamics and the impact of this gigantic event. The method uses a 3D time-dependent computational ash dispersion model, a set of wind fields, and more than 100 thickness measurements of the CI tephra deposit. Results reveal that the CI eruption dispersed 250–300 km3 of ash over ∼3.7 million km2. The injection of such a large quantity of ash (and volatiles) into the atmosphere would have caused a volcanic winter during the Heinrich Event 4, the coldest and driest climatic episode of the Last Glacial period. Fluorine-bearing leachate from the volcanic ash and acid rain would have further affected food sources and severely impacted Late Middle-Early Upper Paleolithic groups in Southern and Eastern Europe

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NEW DATA ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE VALE DO FORNO SEDIMENTARY SEQUENCE (LOWER TAGUS RIVER TERRACE STAIRCASE) AND ITS RELEVANCE AS FLUVIAL ARCHIVE OF THE MIDDLE PLEISTOCENE IN WESTERN IBERIA Pedro P. Cunha 1, António A. Martins 2, Jan-Pieter Buylaert 3,4, Andrew S. Murray 4, Luis Raposo 5, Paolo Mozzi 6, Martin Stokes 7 1 MARE - Marine and Environmental Sciences Centre, Department of Earth Sciences, University of Coimbra, Portugal: pcunha@dct.uc.pt 2 MARE - Marine and Environmental Sciences Centre, Dep. Geociências, University of Évora, Portugal; aam@uevora.pt 3 Centre for Nuclear Technologies, Technical University of Denmark, Risø Campus, Denmark; jabu@dtu.dk 4 Nordic Laboratory for Luminescence Dating, Aarhus University, Risø DTU, Denmark; anmu@dtu.dk 5 Museu Nacional de Arqueologia, Lisboa, Portugal; 3raposos@sapo.pt 6 Department of Geosciences, University of Padova, Italy; paolo.mozzi@unipd.it 7 School of Geography, Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Plymouth, UK; m.stokes@plymouth.ac.uk The stratigraphic units that record the evolution of the Tagus River in Portugal (study area between Vila Velha de Ródão and Porto Alto villages; Fig. 1) have different sedimentary characteristics and lithic industries (Cunha et al., 2012): - a culminant sedimentary unit (the ancestral Tagus, before the drainage network entrenchment) – SLD13 (+142 to 262 m above river bed – a.r.b.; with probable age ca. 3,6 to 1,8 Ma), without artefacts; - T1 terrace (+84 to 180 m; ca. 1000? to 900 ka), without artefacts; - T2 terrace (+57 to 150 m; top deposits with a probable age ca. 600 ka), without artefacts; - T3 terrace (+43 to 113 m; ca. 460 to 360? ka), without artefacts; - T4 terrace (+26 to 55 m; ca. 335 a 155 ka), Lower Paleolithic (Acheulian) at basal and middle levels but early Middle Paleolithic at top levels; - T5 terrace (+5 to 34 m; 135 to 73 ka), Middle Paleolithic (Mousterian; Levallois technique); - T6 terrace (+3 to 14 m; 62 to 32 ka), late Middle Paleolithic (late Mousterian); - Carregueira Sands (aeolian sands) and colluvium (+3 a ca. 100 m; 32 to 12 ka), Upper Paleolithic to Epipaleolithic; - alluvial plain (+0 to 8 m; ca. 12 ka to present), Mesolithic and more recent industries. The differences in elevation (a.r.b.) of the several terrace staircases results from differential uplift due to active faults. Longitudinal correlation with the terrace levels indicates that a graded profile ca. 200 km long was achieved during terrace formation periods and a strong control by sea base level was determinant for terrace formation. The Neogene sedimentary units constituted the main source of sediments for the fluvial terraces (Fig. 2). Geomorphological mapping, coupled with lithostratigraphy, sedimentology and luminescence dating (quartz-OSL and K-feldspar post-IRIR290) were used in this study focused on the T4 terrace, which comprises a Lower Gravels (LG) unit and an Upper Sand (US) unit. The thick, coarse and dominantly massive gravels of the LG unit indicate deposition by a coarse bed-load braided river, with strong sediment supply, high gradient and fluvial competence, during conditions of rapidly rising sea level. Luminescence dating only provided minimum ages but it is probable that the LG unit corresponds to the earlier part of the MIS9 (ca. 335 to 325 ka), immediately postdating the incision promoted by the very low sea level (reaching ca. -140 m) during MIS10 (362 to 337 ka), a period of relatively cold climate conditions with weak vegetation cover on slopes and low sea level. Fig. 1. Main Portuguese reaches in which the Tagus River can be divided (Lower Tagus Basin): I – from the Spanish border to Arneiro (a general E–W trend, mainly consisting of polygonal segments); II – from Arneiro to Gavião (NE–SW); III – from Gavião to Arripiado (E–W); IV – from Arripiado to Vila Franca de Xira (NNE-SSW); V – from Vila Franca de Xira to the Atlantic shoreline. The faults considered to be the limit of the referred fluvial sectors are: F1 – Ponsul-Arneiro fault (WSW-ENE); F2 – Gavião fault (NW-SE); F3 – Ortiga fault (NW-SE); F4 – Vila Nova da Barquinha fault (W-E); F5 – Arripiado-Chamusca fault (NNE-SSW). 1 – estuary; 2 – terraces; 3 – faults; 4 – Tagus main channel. The main Iberian drainage basins are also represented (inset). The lower and middle parts of the US unit, comprising an alternation of clayish silts with paleosols and minor sands to the east (flood-plain deposits) and sand deposits to the west (channel belt), have a probable age of ca. 325 to 200 ka. This points to formation during MIS9 to MIS7, under conditions of high to medium sea levels and warm to mild conditions. The upper part of the US unit, dominated by sand facies and with OSL ages of ca. 200 to 154 ka, correlates with the early part of the MIS6. During this period, progradation resulted from climate deterioration and relative depletion of vegetation that promoted enhanced sediment production in the catchment, coupled with initiation of sea-level lowering that increased the longitudinal slope. The Vale do Forno and Vale da Atela archaeological sites (Alpiarça, central Portugal) document the earliest human occupation in the Lower Tagus River, well established in geomorphological and environmental terms, within the Middle Pleistocene. The Lower Palaeolithic sites were found on the T4 terrace (+26 m, a.r.b.). The oldest artefacts previously found in the LG unit, display crude bifacial forms that can be attributed to the Acheulian, with a probable age of ca. 335 to 325 ka. The T4 US unit has archaeological sites stratigraphically documenting successive phases of an evolved Acheulian, that probably date ca. 325 to 300 ka. Notably, these Lower Palaeolithic artisans were able to produce tools with different sophistication levels, simply by applying different strategies: more elaborated reduction sequences in case of bifaces and simple reduction sequences to obtain cleavers. Fig. 2. . Simplified geologic map of the Lower Tagus Cenozoic basin, adapted from the Carta Geológica de Portugal, 1/500000, 1992). The study area (comprising the Vale do Forno and Vale de Atela sites) is located on the more upstream sector of the Lower Tagus River reach IV, between Arripiado and Chamusca villages. 1 – alluvium (Holocene); 2 – terraces (Pleistocene); 3 – sands, silts and gravels (Paleogene to Pliocene); 4 – Sintra Massif (Cretaceous); 5 – limestones, marls, silts and sandstones (Mesozoic); 6 – quartzites (Ordovician); 7 – basement (Proterozoic to Palaeozoic); 8 – main fault. The main Portuguese reaches of the Tagus River are identified (I to V). The VF3 site (Milharós), containing a Final Acheulian industry, with fine and elaborated bifaces) found in a stratigraphic level located between the T4 terrace deposits and a colluvium associated with Late Pleistocene aeolian sands (32 to 12 ka), has an age younger than ca. 154 ka but much older than 32 ka. In the study area, the sedimentary units of the T4 terrace seem to record the river response to sea-level changes and climatically-driven fluctuations in sediment supply. REFERENCES Cunha P. P., Almeida N. A. C., Aubry T., Martins A. A., Murray A. S., Buylaert J.-P., Sohbati R., Raposo L., Rocha L., 2012, Records of human occupation from Pleistocene river terrace and aeolian sediments in the Arneiro depression (Lower Tejo River, central eastern Portugal). Geomorphology, vol. 165-166, pp. 78-90.

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Mollusk shells are often found in archeological sites, given their great preservation potential and high value as a multipurpose resource. They are often the only available material to use for radiocarbon dating, due to a lack of well-preserved bones in many archeological sites, especially for the key period of the Middle to Upper Paleolithic transition. However, radiocarbon dating on mollusk shells is often regarded as less reliable compared to bones, wood, or charcoals due to the various factors influencing their radiocarbon content (e.g., Isotope fractionation, marine reservoir effect etc.). For the development of more accurate chronologies using shells, it is fundamental to continue improving the precision of the techniques applied, as has been done for other materials (wood and bones). Thus, improving the chemical pretreatment on mollusk shells might allow researchers to obtain more reliable radiocarbon determinations allowing for the construction of new radiocarbon chronologies in archeological sites where so far it has not been possible. Furthermore, mollusk shells can provide information on the climatic and environmental variables present during their growth. Using shells for paleoclimatic reconstruction adds more evidence helpful for the interpretation of scenarios of human migration, adaptation, and behavior. Standard methods for both radiocarbon and stable isotope studies use the carbonate fraction of the shell. However, being biogenic structures, mollusk shells also consist of a minor organic fraction. The shell organic matrix has an important role in the formation of the calcium carbonate structure and is still not fully understood. This thesis explores the potential of using the shell organic matrix for radiocarbon dating and paleoenvironmental studies. The results of the work performed for this thesis represent a starting point for future research to build on, and further develop the approach and methodology proposed here.

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A bone breccia from Goldra, near Loulé, is studied. It corresponds to the infilling of a karst depression, consisting of: rather worn and probably transported dolomite pebbles at the bottom; accumulations of frequently burnt bone scraps, much broken and with acute edges (no transport), certainly debris of human food, suggesting habitat level (s); in association with the former, stone (flint, quartz, quartzite, graywacke) rather uncharacteristic artifacts that seem compatible with middle and upper Paleolithic, or with Epipaleolithic; and small mammal teeth and bones. Fauna includes an extinct species, Microtus brecciensis recognized for the first time in Portugal. It is not older than Riss-Wiirm interglacial, and may be of this age or later, maybe that of one of wurm's first interstades. Fauna points out to a varied landscape with open country and woods; and to a rather warm and dry temperate, or dry subtropical mediterranean climate. Climate differences should not be significant in comparison with the extant situation. The presence of the mammal species found so far is consistent with modern distribution.

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Beaver only had been found in Portugal in a Chalcolithic locality, the Vila Nova de S. Pedro castrum. It has now been identified in the Upper Paleolithic (Solutrean) from Gruta do Caldeirão, near Tomar. The species has been found recently at «Gruta do Almonda»; 4 teeth were collected in bed C, older than a Solutrean sequence (see Anexo for details). The species seems to have been rare, as it was also the case with portuguese Miocene Castoridae Enroxenomys minutus and Chalicomys jaegeri. If account is taken of the presence in the Middle Ages until Castille of words meaning beaver (relared to the popular latin Fiber/Biber), it is obvious that these animais still existed then. Such nouns were largely predominant over rhe rather erudite latin (greek deríved) words as Castor,-óris and derived ones, as it could be expected. This allowed us to recognize that veiro should be the corresponding word with Fiber affinities in archaic portuguese. It was previously supposed to mean only expensive furs then imported into Portugal. Indeed it was also a zoonym. Anywày, beaver should be scarce by XIIIth century since it is not included in the quite detailed price list imposed by the «Lei da Almotaçaria» from December 26, 1253 (see Quadro II). Toponyms in veiro and derived words (fig. 2; Quadro III) (plural, feminines, diminutives, inhabited places) give a resrrictive view of rhe Middle Age distribution. Some of them are certainly older than Portugal itself (firsr half of XIlth cenrury); others existed by the XIVth century bur were probably older. Some rare toponyms seem to be derived from the erudite latin Castor,-óris. Nothing suggests that these words were still in use as zoonyms during the Middle Ages. All toponyms are located in regions near rivers and other freshwaters ecologically suitable for beavers, so we can approximately retrace its former, Middle Age disrribution in Portugal (fig. 2; Quadro III). Most of them are locared in the Center-West and Northwest of Portugal, with a suitable c1imate (rainfall in general over 800 mílimerers per year); the only sure geographical exception is Veiros, in Alto Alentejo province, in a region with comparable precipitations and less dry climate conditions than mosr of the territories South of rhe Tagus. There are less and less of these toponyms towards rhe South and the inner part of the country, and they are enrirely lacking in all drier regions from Trás-os-Montes, Beira, Alentejo beyond Tagus' basin, and in Algarve. Nothing suggests beavers lived there, No post-medieval toponym is known, nor any reference after middle XVth century. No such locality was at, or close by to, any frontier. Hence the hypothesis of veiro (et al.} as meaning but points where expensive furs (supposedly known as veiros in general but without c1early saying from what animal they were obrained from) is to be discarded. During the Middle Ages, beaver discriburion concerned all the main river basins from Minho to Tagus ones. Quite rarefied in rhe XIIIth, the beavers may have disappeared from Portugal during the XVth century. Ecological requiremenrs restricted their former distriburion. Vulnerability to natural causes (i.e., severe drought) and to human pressure may have accounted heavily for this species' extinction. Last (1446) reference for Portugal known to us suggests the species was by then almost extinct.

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New radiocarbon measurements were obtained from middle and upper Paleolithic sites currently under research by the CEPUNL, in well defined stratigraphical situations. With other dates, they yield an approximative chronological global view. Measurement distribution in function of time does not seem to be an hazardous one. In the actual status of our knowledge, this distribution seems to fit in some assemblages: (a) 14000 to 15000 BP, Solutrean; (b) about 20 000 BP, Solutrean; (c) circa 25 000 BP, already Solutrean, and slightly older than 26 000 BP, still Mousterian; (d) between 29 000 and 31 000 BP, Mousterian. The persistance of Mousterian much later than its acknowledged upper limit at about 34 000 BP (and hence the survival of its neanderthalian authors) is demonstrated. For the first time it has been possible to ascertain the upper time limit of the marine 5-8 metres raised beach (Tyrrhenian III) at Serra da Arrábida, and also the age of archaeological sites without stone artifacts, or with uncharacteristic ones. The obtained measurements allow US to correlate localities and sedimentary units with last glaciation events. There seems to have been a distinct correlation between cave and shelter human occupation and events marked by the worsening of climate.

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Beaver only had been found in Portugal in a Chalcolithic locality, the Vila Nova de S. Pedro castrum. It has now been idenrified in the Upper Paleolithic (Solurrean) from Gruta do Caldeirão, near Tomar. The species has been found recently at «Gruta do Almonda»; 4 teeth were collected in bed C, older than a Solutrean sequence (see Anexo for details). The species seems to have been rare, as it was also the case with portuguese miocene Castoridae Enroxenomys minutus and Chalicomys jaegeri. If account is taken of the presence in the Middle Ages until Castille of words meaning beaver (related to the popular latin Fiber/Biber), it is obvious that these animals still existed then. Such nouns were largely predominant over the rather erudite larin (greek derived) words as Castor, -óris and derived ones, as it could be expected. This allowed us to recognize that veiro should be the corresponding word with Fiber affinities in archaic portuguese. It was previously supposed to mean only expensive furs then imported into Portugal. Indeed it was also a zoonym. Anyway, beaver should be scarce by XIIIth century since it is not included in the quite detailed price list imposed by the «Lei da Almotaçaria» from December 26, 1253 (see Quadro II). Toponyms in veiro and derived words (fig. 2; Quadro III) (plural, feminines, diminutives, inhabited places) give a restrictive view of the Middle Age distribution. Some of them are certainly older than Portugal itself (first half of XIIth century); others existed by the XIVth century but were probably older. Some rare toponyms seem to be derived from rhe erudite latin Castor, -óris. Nothing suggests that these words were still in use as zoonyms during the Middle Ages. All toponyms are located in regions near rivers and other freshwaters ecologically suitable for beavers, so wecan approximately retrace irs former, Middle Age distribution in Portugal (fig. 2; Quadro III). Most of them are located in the Center-West and Northwest of Portugal, with a suitable c1imate (rainfall in general over 800 milimeters per year); the only sure geographical exception is Veiros, in Alto Alentejo province, in a region with comparable precipitations and less dry climare conditions than most of the territories South of the Tagus. There are less and less of these toponyms towards the South and the inner part of the country, and they are enrirely lacking in ali drier regions from Trás-os-Montes, Beira, Alentejo beyond Tagus' basin, and in Algarve. Nothing suggests beavers lived there, No pose-medieval toponym is known, nor any reference after middle XVth century. No such locality was at, or close by to, any frontier. Hence the hypothesis of veiro (e: al.) as meaning but points where expensive furs(supposedly known as veiros in general but without clearly saying from what animal they were obtained from) is to be discarded. During the Middle Ages, beaver distribution concerned all the main river basins from Minho to Tagus ones. Quice racefied in the XIIIth, the beavers may have disappeared from Portugal during the XVth century. Ecological requirements restricted their former distribution. Vulnerability to natural causes (i.e., severe drought) and to human pressure may have accounted heavily for this species extinction. Last (1446) reference for Portugal known to us suggests the species was by then almost extinct.

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New radiocarbon measurements were obtained from middle and upper Paleolithic sites currendy under research by the CEPUNL, in well defined stratigraphical situations. With other dates, they yield an approximative chronological global view. Measurement dístribution in function of time does not seem to be an hazardous one. ln the actual status of our knowledge, this distribution seems to fit in some assemblages: (a) 14000 to 15000 BP, Solurrean ; (b) about 20 000 BP, Solurrean ; (e) area 25 000 BP, already Solurrean, and slightly older than 26 000 BP, still Mousterian ; (d) between 29 000 and 31 000 BP, Mousterian. The persistance of Mousterian much later than its acknowledged upper limit at about 34 000 BP (and hence the survival of its neanderthalian authors) is demonstrated. For the first time it has been possible to ascertain the upper time limit of the marine 5-8 metres raised beach (Tyrrhenian III) at Serra da Arrábida, and also the age of archaeological sires wirhout srone arrifacts, or with uncharacteristic ones. The obtained measurements allow us to correlate localities and sedimentary units with last glaciation events. There seems to have been a distinct correlation between cave and shelter human occupation and events marked by the worsening of climate.

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Human T-lymphotropic virus type 1 (HTLV-1) is found in indigenous peoples of the Pacific Islands and the Americas, whereas type 2 (HTLV-2) is widely distributed among the indigenous peoples of the Americas, where it appears to be more prevalent than HTLV-1, and in some tribes of Central Africa. HTLV-2 is considered ancestral in the Americas and is transmitted to the general population and injection drug users from the indigenous population. In the Americas, HTLV-1 has more than one origin, being brought by immigrants in the Paleolithic period through the Bering Strait, through slave trade during the colonial period, and through Japanese immigration from the early 20th century, whereas HTLV-2 was only brought by immigrants through the Bering Strait. The endemicity of HTLV-2 among the indigenous people of Brazil makes the Brazilian Amazon the largest endemic area in the world for its occurrence. A review of HTLV-1 in all Brazilian tribes supports the African origin of HTLV-1 in Brazil. The risk of hyperendemicity in these epidemiologically closed populations and transmission to other populations reinforces the importance of public health interventions for HTLV control, including the recognition of the infection among reportable diseases and events.

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Human T cell lymphotropic virus type 1 (HTLV-1) is a retrovirus that causes leukemia and the neurological disorder HTLV-1 associated myelopathy or tropical spastic paraparesis (HAM/TSP). Infection with this virus - although it is distributed worldwide - is limited to certain endemic areas of the world. Despite its specific distribution and slow mutation rate, molecular epidemiology on this virus has been useful to follow the movements of human populations and routes of virus spread to different continents. In the present study, we analyzed the genetic variability of a region of the env gene of isolates obtained from individuals of African origin that live on the Pacific coast of Colombia. Sequencing and comparison of the fragment with the same fragment from different HTLV-1 isolates showed a variability ranging from 0.8% to 1.2%. Phylogenetic studies permit us to include these isolates in the transcontinental subgroup A in which samples isolated from Brazil and Chile are also found. Further analyses will be necessary to determine if these isolates were recently introduced into the American continent or if they rather correspond to isolates introduced during the Paleolithic period.