997 resultados para Universal Child Allowance


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In 2009 Argentina implemented the Universal Child Allowance for Social Protection (AUH), a cash transfer programme for households with children. Coverage provided by the contributory family allowance programme was extended to parents who are unemployed or who work in the informal sector (domestic workers, for example). This paper uses the difference-in-difference estimator and propensity score matching techniques to evaluate the short-term effects of the auh on adult labour participation and income generation. The results suggest that, during its first year of operation, no significant disincentives to work were generated by the programme, given that it did not discourage adults from working or lead to a reduction in the number of hours worked. These findings are highly relevant in the Latin American context where these kinds of cash transfers have become an important component of social protection systems.

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En este trabajo nos hemos propuesto como objetivo general aportar a la comprensión de la recepción de la Asignación Universal por Hijo para Protección Social (AUH) en los discursos sociales hegemónicos, en la percepción subjetiva de los derecho-habientes de la misma y el impacto de ésta en sus trayectorias socioeconómicas de vida. A partir de los relatos de las receptoras, analizamos la experiencia y valoraciones que poseen sobre la medida, la utilización del ingreso percibido y el direccionamiento de sus gastos cotidianos. Asimismo, buscamos identificar en qué medida existe la presencia del discurso dominante en los receptores de la AUH.

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El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar el impacto, que la Asignación Universal por Hijo (en adelante AUH) tuvo en las representaciones y prácticas escolares de las familias destinatarias, domiciliadas en el barrio Villa Argüello (Berisso, Provincia de Buenos Aires), durante la implementación de dicha asignación; a través de la observación de los cambios y/o continuidades en los significados y prácticas escolares de los niños/as perceptores de esta AUH; para comprender las representaciones de los integrantes de las familias respecto de la AUH, como también la praxis escolar de los niños/as, antes y después de percibir la AUH (2007-2013). Puesto que hemos percibido que los estudios que anteceden a nuestra investigación, no abordaron específicamente el impacto que la AUH tuvo, sobre los significados y las prácticas escolares de los niños/as y de sus familias, desde los propios sujetos, como tampoco incorporaron la opinión de los docentes, directivos, psicopedagogos y preceptores respecto a la asistencia y retención escolar de los niños/as perceptores del Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 1602/09. Por lo tanto, para evaluar si las políticas sociales del modelo de la post-convertibilidad, generaron modificaciones en las prácticas y representaciones escolares de los niños/as en situación de pobreza a través de la AUH, consideramos indispensable investigar a partir de lo cualitativo desde la perspectiva de la historia social

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El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar el impacto, que la Asignación Universal por Hijo (en adelante AUH) tuvo en las representaciones y prácticas escolares de las familias destinatarias, domiciliadas en el barrio Villa Argüello (Berisso, Provincia de Buenos Aires), durante la implementación de dicha asignación; a través de la observación de los cambios y/o continuidades en los significados y prácticas escolares de los niños/as perceptores de esta AUH; para comprender las representaciones de los integrantes de las familias respecto de la AUH, como también la praxis escolar de los niños/as, antes y después de percibir la AUH (2007-2013). Puesto que hemos percibido que los estudios que anteceden a nuestra investigación, no abordaron específicamente el impacto que la AUH tuvo, sobre los significados y las prácticas escolares de los niños/as y de sus familias, desde los propios sujetos, como tampoco incorporaron la opinión de los docentes, directivos, psicopedagogos y preceptores respecto a la asistencia y retención escolar de los niños/as perceptores del Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 1602/09. Por lo tanto, para evaluar si las políticas sociales del modelo de la post-convertibilidad, generaron modificaciones en las prácticas y representaciones escolares de los niños/as en situación de pobreza a través de la AUH, consideramos indispensable investigar a partir de lo cualitativo desde la perspectiva de la historia social

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El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar el impacto, que la Asignación Universal por Hijo (en adelante AUH) tuvo en las representaciones y prácticas escolares de las familias destinatarias, domiciliadas en el barrio Villa Argüello (Berisso, Provincia de Buenos Aires), durante la implementación de dicha asignación; a través de la observación de los cambios y/o continuidades en los significados y prácticas escolares de los niños/as perceptores de esta AUH; para comprender las representaciones de los integrantes de las familias respecto de la AUH, como también la praxis escolar de los niños/as, antes y después de percibir la AUH (2007-2013). Puesto que hemos percibido que los estudios que anteceden a nuestra investigación, no abordaron específicamente el impacto que la AUH tuvo, sobre los significados y las prácticas escolares de los niños/as y de sus familias, desde los propios sujetos, como tampoco incorporaron la opinión de los docentes, directivos, psicopedagogos y preceptores respecto a la asistencia y retención escolar de los niños/as perceptores del Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 1602/09. Por lo tanto, para evaluar si las políticas sociales del modelo de la post-convertibilidad, generaron modificaciones en las prácticas y representaciones escolares de los niños/as en situación de pobreza a través de la AUH, consideramos indispensable investigar a partir de lo cualitativo desde la perspectiva de la historia social

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Este trabajo expone un recorrido por los diversos estudios sobre el impacto de la Asignación Universal por Hijo en general y en la escolaridad y la salud en particular. Al mismo tiempo, analiza las distintas perspectivas desde donde fue abordado el tema. Por último, se realizan reflexiones finales intentando visualizar las dimensiones que no han sido estudiadas.

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Este trabajo expone un recorrido por los diversos estudios sobre el impacto de la Asignación Universal por Hijo en general y en la escolaridad y la salud en particular. Al mismo tiempo, analiza las distintas perspectivas desde donde fue abordado el tema. Por último, se realizan reflexiones finales intentando visualizar las dimensiones que no han sido estudiadas.

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Este trabajo expone un recorrido por los diversos estudios sobre el impacto de la Asignación Universal por Hijo en general y en la escolaridad y la salud en particular. Al mismo tiempo, analiza las distintas perspectivas desde donde fue abordado el tema. Por último, se realizan reflexiones finales intentando visualizar las dimensiones que no han sido estudiadas.

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Este trabajo expone un recorrido por los diversos estudios sobre el impacto de la Asignación Universal por Hijo en general y en la escolaridad y la salud en particular. Al mismo tiempo, analiza las distintas perspectivas desde donde fue abordado el tema. Por último, se realizan reflexiones finales intentando visualizar las dimensiones que no han sido estudiadas.

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The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

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This paper examines the implications of intergenerational transfers of time and money for labor supply and capital accumulation. Although intergenerational transfers of time in the form of grandparenting are as substantial as monetary transfers in the data, little is known about the role and importance of time transfers. In this paper, we calibrate an overlapping generations model extended to allow for both time and monetary transfers to the US economy. We use simulations to show that time transfers have important positive effects on capital accumulation and that these effects can be as significant as those of monetary transfers. However, while time transfers increase the labor supply of the young, monetary transfers produce an income effect that tends to decrease work effort. We also find that child care tax credits have little impact on parental time and money transfers, but that a universal child tax credit would increase the welfare of the rich while the poor would benefit from a means-tested program.

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Reconociendo la importancia que tienen las inversiones durante los primeros años del ciclo de vida, en este documento se estima el efecto de la asistencia a preescolar sobre el desempeño escolar de largo plazo, medido a través del puntaje en las áreas de lenguaje y matemáticas de la prueba Saber 11 en Colombia. Para ello, se realiza la aproximación empírica a través de la metodología de variables instrumentales. Los resultados indican que la asistencia a un año adicional de educación preescolar reduce en 0.121 desviaciones estándar el puntaje obtenido en el área de lenguaje. No obstante, se identifica un efecto diferenciado a partir de variables que dan cuenta del estatus socioeconómico de los individuos.

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Development then and now: Idea and utopia / Rolando Cordera Campos .-- Latin America’s competitive position in knowledge-intensive services trade / Andrés López, Andrés Niembro and Daniela Ramos .-- Wage share and economic growth in Latin America, 1950-2011 / Germán Alarco Tosoni .-- Patterns of technical progress in the Brazilian economy, 1952-2008 / Adalmir Marquetti and Melody de Campos Soares Porsse .-- Mexico: Combining monthly inflation predictions from surveys / Pilar Poncela, Víctor M. Guerrero, Alejandro Islas, Julio Rodríguez and Rocío Sánchez-Mangas .-- Expectations and industrial output in Uruguay: Sectoral interdependence and common trends / Bibiana Lanzilotta .-- Argentina: Impacts of the child allowance programme on the labour-market behaviour of adults / Roxana Maurizio and Gustavo Vázquez .-- Occupational mobility and income differentials: The experience of Brazil between 2002 and 2010 / Sandro Eduardo Monsueto, Julimar da Silva Bichara and André Moreira Cunha .-- What does the National High School Exam (enem) tell Brazilian society? / Rodrigo Travitzki, Jorge Calero and Carlota Boto .-- Brazil’s Northeast Financing Constitutional Fund: Differentiated effects on municipal economic growth / Fabrício Carneiro Linhares, Ricardo Brito Soares, Marcos Falcão Gonçalves and Luiz Fernando Gonçalves Viana.

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Recent federal mandates require accountability for providing students with disabilities access to the general education curriculum. In this paper, the authors recommend that principles of Universal Design for Learning and Differentiated Instruction can help school personnel tailor their teaching to meet the various strengths and needs of individual students.

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Teachers frequently struggle to cope with conduct problems in the classroom. The aim of this study was to assess the effectiveness of the Incredible Years Teacher Classroom Management Training Programme for improving teacher competencies and child adjustment. The study involved a group randomised controlled trial which included 22 teachers and 217 children (102 boys and 115 girls). The average age of children included in the study was 5.3 years (standard deviation = 0.89). Teachers were randomly allocated to an intervention group (n = 11 teachers; 110 children) or a waiting-list control group (n = 11; 107 children). The sample also included 63 ‘high-risk’ children (33 intervention; 30 control), who scored above the cut-off (>12) on the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire for abnormal socioemotional and behavioural difficulties. Teacher and child behaviours were assessed at baseline and 6 months later using psychometric and observational measures. Programme delivery costs were also analysed. Results showed positive changes in teachers’ self-reported use of positive classroom management strategies (effect size = 0.56), as well as negative classroom management strategies (effect size = −0.43). Teacher reports also highlight improvements in the classroom behaviour of the high-risk group of children, while the estimated cost of delivering the Incredible Years Teacher Classroom Management Training Programme was modest. However, analyses of teacher and child observations were largely non-significant. A need for further research exploring the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of the Incredible Years Teacher Classroom Management Training Programme is indicated.