999 resultados para Unilateral Policy


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Con la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio (TLC) entre los países que conforman la Unión Europea (UE) y Colombia, se abre un camino complejo y dinámico de flujos en comercio exterior que, sin duda, traerá beneficios y desventajas para la actividad productora de leche cruda en Colombia, a raíz de la forma como se hicieron las negociaciones del acuerdo. Partiendo de esta premisa, el presente trabajo de grado, hace un análisis cualitativo de los efectos previsibles que la implementación del TLC de la referencia tendrá sobre el sector lácteo en Colombia

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What's the role of unilateral measures in global climate change mitigation in a post-Durban, post 2012 global policy regime? We argue that under conditions of preference heterogeneity, unilateral emissions mitigation at a subnational level may exist even when a nation is unwilling to commit to emission cuts. As the fraction of individuals unilaterally cutting emissions in a global strongly connected network of countries evolves over time, learning the costs of cutting emissions can result in the adoption of such activities globally and we establish that this will indeed happen under certain assumptions. We analyze the features of a policy proposal that could accelerate convergence to a low carbon world in the presence of global learning.

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Includes bibliography

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This paper aims to explain the historical development of Australia's foreign economic policy by using an analytical framework called a 'state-society coalition' approach. This approach focuses on virtual coalitions of state and society actors that share 'belief systems' and hold similar policy ideas, goals and preferences, as basic units (policy subsystems) of policy making. Major policy changes occur when a dominant coalition is replaced by another. The paper argues that, in Australia, there have been three major state-society coalitions in the foreign economic policy issue area: 'protectionists', 'trade liberalisers' and 'optional bilateralists'. The rise and fall of these coalitions resulted in distinctive shifts of Australia's foreign economic policy in the 1980s towards unilateral and multilateral liberalisation and in the late 1990s towards bilateral trade and investment arrangements.

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The EU has long assumed leadership in advancing domestic and international climate change policy. While pushing its partners in international negotiations, it has led the way in implementing a host of domestic measures, including a unilateral and legally binding target, an ambitious policy on renewable energy and a strategy for low-carbon technology deployment. The centrepiece of EU policy, however, has been the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS), a cap-and-trade programme launched in 2005. The ETS has been seen as a tool to ensure least-cost abatement, drive EU decarbonisation and develop a global carbon market. After an initial review and revision of the ETS, to come into force in 2013, there was a belief that the new ETS was ‘future-proof’, meaning able to cope with the temporary lack of a global agreement on climate change and individual countries’ emission ceilings. This confidence has been shattered by the simultaneous ‘failure’ of Copenhagen to deliver a clear prospect of a global (top-down) agreement and the economic crisis. The lack of prospects for national caps at the international level has led to a situation whereby many member states hesitate to pursue ambitious climate change policies. In the midst of this, the EU is assessing its options anew. A number of promising areas for international cooperation exist, all centred on the need to ‘raise the ambition level’ of GHG emission reductions, notably in aviation and maritime, short-lived climate pollutions, deforestation, industrial competitiveness and green growth. Public policy issues in the field of technology and its transfer will require more work to identify real areas for cooperation.

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An ambitious, comprehensive and high-standard trade and investment agreement between the European Union and the United States is feasible, but a key concern is whether the transatlantic trade partners will succeed in creating a meaningful agreement within the tight timeline of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations. The target of a ratified pact before a new European Commission takes office in November 2014 is an objective that is likely to conflict with the level of ambition on the substance. Regulatory congruence would require the unilateral and unconditional recognition by the TTIP partners of each other’s standards, procedures and conformity assessment tests. The way forward is to create a ‘living’ (or progressive commitment) agreement on regulatory cooperation with a horizontal template for coherence and conformity assessment and a detailed monitoring mechanism, with implementation starting immediately for a few selected sectors. Regulatory harmonisation under TTIP may not lead to emerging markets automatically upgrading to the higher TTIP standards. Domestic priorities and the high demand from a rising price-sensitive group of consumers will likely result in a dual regulatory regime in emerging markets in the medium-term.

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In this paper, the expression “neighbourhood policy” of the European Union (EU) is understood in a broad way which includes the members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) contracting parties to the European Economic Area (EEA), the EFTA State Switzerland, candidate states, the countries of the European Neighbour-hood Policy (ENP), and Russia. The European Court of Justice (ECJ) is the centre of gravity in the judicial dimension of this policy. The innermost circle of integration after the EU itself comprises the EFTA States who are party to the European Economic Area. With the EFTA Court, they have their own common court. The existence of two courts – the ECJ and the EFTA Court – raises the question of homogeneity of the case law. The EEA homogeneity rules resemble the ones of the Lugano Convention. The EFTA Court is basically obliged to follow or take into account relevant ECJ case law. But even if the ECJ has gone first, there may be constellations where the EFTA Court comes to the conclusion that it must go its own way. Such constellations may be given if there is new scientific evidence, if the ECJ has left certain questions open, where there is relevant case law of the European Court of Human Rights or where, in light of the specific circumstances of the case, there is room for “creative homogeneity”. However, in the majority of its cases the EFTA Court is faced with novel legal questions. In such cases, the ECJ, its Advocates General and the Court of First Instance make reference to the EFTA Court’s case law. The question may be posed whether the EEA could serve as a model for other regional associations. For the ENP states, candidate States and Russia this is hard to imagine. Their courts will to varying degrees look to the ECJ when giving interpretation to the relevant agreements. The Swiss Government is – at least for the time being – unwilling to make a second attempt to join the EEA. The European Commission has therefore proposed to the Swiss to dock their sectoral agreements with the EU to the institutions of the EFTA pillar, the EFTA Surveillance Authority (ESA) and the EFTA Court. Switzerland would then negotiate the right to nominate a member of the ESA College and of the EFTA Court. The Swiss Government has, however, opted for another model. Swiss courts would continue to look to the ECJ, as they did in the past, and conflicts should also in the future be resolved by diplomatic means. But the ECJ would play a decisive role in dispute settlement. It would, upon unilateral request of one side, give an “authoritative” interpretation of EU law as incorporated into the relevant bilateral agreement. In a “Non-Paper” which was drafted by the chief negotiators, the interpretations of the ECJ are even characterised as binding. The decision-making power would, however, remain with the Joint Committees where Switzerland could say no. The Swiss Government assumes that after a negative decision by the ECJ it would be able to negotiate a compromise solution with the Commission without the ECJ being able to express itself on the outcome. The Government has therefore not tried to emphasise that the ECJ would not be a foreign court. Whether the ECJ would accept its intended role, is an open question. And if it would, the Swiss Government would have to explain to its voters that Switzerland retains the freedom to disregard such a binding decision and that for this reason the ECJ is not only no foreign court, but no adjudicating court at all.

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This paper looks at the trade policy landscape of the EU and the wider Europe, with a focus on issues arising from the signature on 27 June 2014 of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements (DCFTAs) between the EU and three East European countries (Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), and actual or prospective issues relating to the customs union of Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan (BRK), and the Eurasian Economic Union whose founding treaty was signed on 29 May 2014. The huge expansion of intercontinental free trade area negotiations currently underway, in which the EU is an active participant alongside much of the Americas and Asia, stands in contrast with Russia’s choice to restrict itself to the Eurasian Economic Union, which is only a marginal extension of its own economy. Alone among the major economies in the world, Russia does not seek to integrate economically with any major economic bloc, which should be a matter of serious concern for Moscow. Within the wider Europe, the EU’s DCFTAs with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia are a major new development, but Russia now threatens trade sanctions against Ukraine in particular, the economic case for which seems unfounded and whose unilateral application would also impair the customs union. The Belarus-Russia-Kazakhstan customs union itself poses several issues of compatibility with the rules of the WTO, which in turn are viewed by the EU as an impediment to discussing possible free trade scenarios with the customs union, although currently there are far more fundamental political impediments to any consideration of such ideas. Nonetheless, this paper looks at various long-term scenarios, if only as a reminder that there could be much better alternatives to the present context of conflict around Ukraine.

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This paper addresses a potential role that tariffs and tariff policy can play in encouraging countries to take part in a multilateral effort to mitigate climate change. It begins by assessing whether increasing tariffs on products from energy intensive or polluting industries amounts to a violation of WTO rules and whether protectionism in this case can be differentiated from genuine environmental concerns. It then argues that while lowering tariffs for environmental goods can serve as a carrot to promote dissemination of cleaner technologies, tariff deconsolidation is a legitimate stick to encourage polluting countries to move towards an international climate agreement. The paper further explores this view by undertaking a partialequilibrium simulation analysis to examine the impact of a unilateral unit increase in tariffs on the imports of the most carbon-intensive products from countries not committed to climate polices. Our results suggest that the committed importing countries would have to raise their tariffs only slightly to effect a significant decline in the imports of these products from the non-committed countries. For instance, a unit increase in the simple average applied tariffs on the imports of these carbon-intensive products in 2005 from our sample of non-committed exporting countries would reduce the imports of these products by an average 32.6% in Australia, 178% in Canada, 195% in the EU, 271% in Japan and 62% in the US, therebysuggesting the effectiveness of such a measure in pushing countries towards a global climate policy.

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This study aimed to evaluate long-term atrophy in contralateral hippocampal volume after surgery for unilateral MTLE, as well as the cognitive outcome for patients submitted to either selective transsylvian amygdalohippocampectomy (SelAH) or anterior temporal lobe resection (ATL). We performed a longitudinal study of 47 patients with MRI signs of unilateral hippocampal sclerosis (23 patients with right-sided hippocampal sclerosis) who underwent surgical treatment for MTLE. They underwent preoperative/postoperative high-resolution MRI as well as neuropsychological assessment for memory and estimated IQ. To investigate possible changes in the contralateral hippocampus of patients, we included 28 controls who underwent two MRIs at long-term intervals. The volumetry using preoperative MRI showed significant hippocampal atrophy ipsilateral to the side of surgery when compared with controls (p<0.0001) but no differences in contralateral hippocampal volumes. The mean postoperative follow-up was 8.7 years (± 2.5 SD; median=8.0). Our patients were classified as Engel I (80%), Engel II (18.2%), and Engel III (1.8%). We observed a small but significant reduction in the contralateral hippocampus of patients but no volume changes in controls. Most of the patients presented small declines in both estimated IQ and memory, which were more pronounced in patients with left TLE and in those with persistent seizures. Different surgical approaches did not impose differences in seizure control or in cognitive outcome. We observed small declines in cognitive scores with most of these patients, which were worse in patients with left-sided resection and in those who continued to suffer from postoperative seizures. We also demonstrated that manual volumetry can reveal a reduction in volume in the contralateral hippocampus, although this change was mild and could not be detected by visual analysis. These new findings suggest that dynamic processes continue to act after the removal of the hippocampus, and further studies with larger groups may help in understanding the underlying mechanisms.

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The premature fusion of unilateral coronal suture can cause a significant asymmetry of the craniofacial skeleton, with an oblique deviation of the cranial base that negatively impacts soft tissue facial symmetry. The purpose of this study was to assess facial symmetry obtained in patients with unilateral coronal synostosis (UCS) surgically treated by 2 different techniques. We hypothesized that nasal deviation should not be addressed in a primary surgical correction of UCS. Consecutive UCS patients were enrolled in a prospective study and randomly divided into 2 groups. In group 1, the patients underwent total frontal reconstruction and transferring of onlay bone grafts to the recessive superior orbital rim (n = 7), and in group 2, the patients underwent total frontal reconstruction and unilateral fronto-orbital advancement (n = 5). Computerized photogrammetric analysis measured vertical and horizontal axis of the nose and the orbital globe in the preoperative and postoperative periods. Intragroup and intergroup comparisons were performed. Intragroup preoperative and postoperative comparisons showed a significant (all P < 0.05) reduction of the nasal axis and the orbital-globe axis in the postoperative period in the 2 groups. Intergroup comparisons showed no significant difference (all P > 0.05). Facial symmetry was achieved in the patients with UCS who underwent surgery regardless of surgical approach evaluated here. Our data showed a significant improvement in nasal and orbital-globe deviation, leading us to question the necessity of primary nasal correction in these patients.

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The objective of this study is to verify the dynamics between fiscal policy, measured by public debt, and monetary policy, measured by a reaction function of a central bank. Changes in monetary policies due to deviations from their targets always generate fiscal impacts. We examine two policy reaction functions: the first related to inflation targets and the second related to economic growth targets. We find that the condition for stable equilibrium is more restrictive in the first case than in the second. We then apply our simulation model to Brazil and United Kingdom and find that the equilibrium is unstable in the Brazilian case but stable in the UK case.

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Lymphoma is the most common head and neck malignancy in children, and palatine tonsils asymmetry is the most frequent clinical manifestation of tonsillar lymphoma. However, several studies with children with tonsillar asymmetry found no case of lymphoma, showing that the relationship of tonsillar asymmetry with lymphoma is unclear. In this review, we aimed to identify the association between tonsillar asymmetry and tonsillar lymphoma in children by conducting systematic reviews of the literature on children with palatine tonsil lymphoma and tonsillar asymmetry. Articles comprising the paediatric age group (up to 18 years) with information concerning clinical manifestations of tonsillar lymphoma or the diagnosis of the tonsillar asymmetry were included. The main cause of asymmetry of palatine tonsils was lymphoid hyperplasia, followed by lymphoma and nonspecific benign changes. The asymmetry of tonsils was present in 73.2% of cases of lymphoma. There was an association between asymmetric palatine tonsils and lymphoma, with a likelihood ratio of 43.5 for children with asymmetry of palatine tonsils and 8938.4 for children with asymmetry of tonsils and other signs of suspicion for malignancy. We also provide recommendations on the management of suspicious cases of palatine tonsil lymphoma.

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física