Fī bayān mā dhakarahu Muḥammad Afandī al-Awaljī al-marsūl min ṭaraf al-dawlah al-ʻalīyah ilá Faransā wa-mā shāhadahu hunāk =: Traduction arabe de la relation de voyage en France de Mehmet Effendi, Ambassadeur de Turquie : manuscript, undated

بيان ما ذكره محمد افندي المرسول من طرف الدولة العلية إلى فرنسا وجميع ما شاهده هناك قال انه... :Incipit

Kitâb-ı ahdnâme-yi hümâyûn-ı saâdet-makrûn : manuscript, 1740?

According to the colophon (f. 23r), copy of capitulations of 4 Rebīʻ I 1153 AH [May 31, 1740 AD], signed by the Grand Vezir el-Ḥācc Meḥmed Paşa and the French envoy Louis-Sauveur, Marquis de Villeneuve (mentionned f. 3r), granted to France. Contains renewal of the capitulations granted during the Reign of Sultan Meḥmed IV (r. 1058-99 [1648-87]) with some newly introduced articles.

Turkey after the start of negotiations with the European Union - foreign relations and the domestic situation, Part II. OSW Report, July 2008

The Centre for Eastern Studies has decided to embark on the project entitled 'Turkey after the start of negotiations with the European Union - foreign relations and the domestic situation' for two major reasons: the start of the accession negotiations between Ankara and the European Union in October 2005, and the significant part which Turkey plays in western Eurasia (the Caucasus, the countries in the basins of the Black and Caspian Seas, the Middle East and the Balkans) which We wish to present our readers our second report discussing Turkey's relations with Central Asia, the Caucasus and Russia, the aspect of Turkish foreign policy regarding the Black Sea, and the role of Turkey as a transit country for oil and gas from the Middle East and the Caspian regions. The evaluation of Turkey's standpoint and potential regarding the aforementioned issues is especially important, considering the tensions existing in Turkey's relations with the EU and the USA, as well as the West's increasing engagement in the Caucasus, Central Asia and Black Sea regions. In this process, Ankara may play the role of a significant ally for the West. However, it may just as readily play the role of its rival, who could co-operate with other countries and may seriously frustrate the implementation of the EU and US' goals. The Report was developed between autumn 2006 and autumn 2007, over which time the project participants searched for publicly available documents in Poland, Turkey, EU countries and the USA, and went on five research trips to Central Asia, Russia, Turkey and Caucasus, where they met local analysts, officials and researchers.

Turkey after the start of negotiations with the European Union - foreign relations and the domestic situation, Part I. OSW Report, June 2007

The start of accession negotiations between Ankara and the EU is vital for the future of both Turkey and the Union, including Poland as its member state, as well as for the geopolitical situation in Eurasia (the Black Sea region, Caucasus, Central Asia and the Middle East). Appreciating the significance of these issues, the Centre for Eastern Studies in early 2005 decided to launch a project entitled "Turkey after the start of negotiations with the European Union - foreign relations and the domestic situation". The goal of this project is to present, within the context of accession negotiations, Turkey's greatest internal challenges as well as Ankara's relations with its neighbour regions, the EU and the USA. This Report is the first of three which will be published as part of the project. The Report includes texts on Turkish-US relations since 2003, major political and social challenges on Turkey's path towards the EU and the current condition of the Turkish economy. The Report was developed between July 2005 and November 2006, over which time CES workers and associates searched for publicly available materials in Poland, Turkey and EU countries, and went on three research trips to Turkey, where they met local researchers, analysts, politicians and officials. The authors of the Report would like to express their gratitude to everyone who have shared their opinions with them, and to the Polish Embassy in Ankara, especially to Ambassador Grzegorz Michalski and Minister Andrzej Ananicz for their expert support and assistance in the authors' work on this Report. This Report does not present the official stance of the Polish government on the issues discussed therein; instead it reflects the personal views of its authors, who have made their best efforts to ensure that their work is reliable.

Our foreign relations : showing present perils from England and France, the nature and conditions of intervention by mediation, and also by recognition, the impossibility of any recognition of a new power with slavery as a corner-stone, and the wrongful concession of ocean belligerency. Speech of Hon. Charles Sumner, before the citizens of New York, at the Cooper Institute, Sept. 10, 1863.

Mode of access: Internet.

The diplomacy of the United States. Being an account of the foreign relations of the country, from the first treaty with France, in 1778, to the treaty of Ghent, in 1814, with Great Britain.

Mode of access: Internet.

Participación de actores no gubernamentales en el ciclo de la política exterior. Estudio de caso: el Council On Foreign Relations como Think Tank especializado en la política exterior de los Estados Unidos

Este trabajo describe la participación de actores no gubernamentales como los denominados Think Tanks en el ciclo de la polìtica exterior de los Estados Unidos. Centrándose en el Council On Foreign Relations y su rol en la política exterior estadounidense desde su fundación en 1921.

March 2007: United States Foreign Relations

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Spain: foreign relations and policy. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Special Issue 2, August 2012

From the Introduction. The subject of the position of Spain in the world (through history, recent times, and today) has been described by scholars and casual observers by a combination of qualifiers. It is considered paradoxical, unique and influential, riddled with isolation and ambition, resulting in frustration and success. In any event, Spain’s record in modern times has to be considered as below its potential in historical terms, geographical position, culture and world presence through migration and the results of the empire. In any way, Spain deserves to be included among one of about twenty five countries that, for one reason or another, play a role in the overall current global panorama. 1

Cyprus presidency and Turkey's relations with the European Union. OSW Commentary No. 82, 2012-06-26

Turkey’s intention to boycott Cyprus presidency of the EU Council in the second half of 2012 is a logical consequence of Ankara’s policy of not recognising the Republic of Cyprus. The boycott will have a negative but limited impact on Turkey-EU relations, and will not in practice significantly affect their intensity in the second half-year. The so-called positive agenda, a new co-operation mechanism between the EU and Turkey, offers a provisional way for the two sides to circumvent the formal obstacle for mutual contacts created by the Cyprus conflict. In itself, however, the launch of the positive agenda is not a breakthrough for Turkey’s integration with the EU. Any such breakthrough is unlikely to occur until progress is made in regulating the Cyprus conflict, and some member states change their attitude towards Turkey’s accession to the EU.

National Role Conceptions and Foreign Policies: France and Germany Compared. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 02.4, 2002

In spite of domestic and international political changes, French and German foreign policies have displayed high degrees of continuity between the late 1950s and the mid-1990s. Over the same time period, the directions of the two states’ foreign policies have also continued to differ from each other. Why do states similar in many respects often part ways in what they want and do? This article argues that the French and German national role conceptions (NRCs) account for both of these continuities. NRCs are domestically shared understandings regarding the proper role and purpose of one’s own state as a social collectivity in the international arena. As internal reference systems, they affect national interests and foreign policies. This article reestablishes the NRC concept, empirically codes it for France and Germany for the time period under consideration, and demonstrates comparatively how different NRCs lead to varying interests and policies across the major policy areas in security, defense, and armament.