884 resultados para Transnational Social Movement, Transnational Dinamics
Resumo:
En Amrique du Nord, les militants et les juristes ont longtemps cru que les avocats progressistes pourraient offrir des avantages tactiques importants aux mouvements sociaux. Cette perspective optimiste a cd la place pendant les annes 1970 une attitude critique l'gard des avocats et des litiges. Les chercheurs se sont interrogs sur lefficacit dassimiler les revendications politiques des atteintes aux droits individuels, pour tre ensuite prsentes devant les tribunaux. Le litige tait peru comme source dune influence ngative qui favorise lisolement et lindividualisme. De plus, les chercheurs ont remarqu quil y avait le potentiel pour les avocats militants bien quils soient bien intentionns dexercer leur profession dune manire qui pourrait donner un sentiment dimpuissance aux autres participants du mouvement social. Les premires versions de cette critique vont souvent assimiler la stratgie juridique avec le litige prsent devant les tribunaux judiciaires et gr par les avocats. Une rponse inspirante cette critique a dveloppe au dbut des annes 2000, avec l'mergence dun modle de pratique que les chercheurs aux tats-Unis ont nomm law and organizing . Des tudes normatives sur ce modle offrent des arguments nuancs en faveur dune pratique militante interdisciplinaire, partage entre les avocats et les organisateurs. Ces tudes continuent attribuer les risques dindividualisation et dimpuissance aux avocats et aux litiges. Selon ce modle, au lieu de diriger la stratgie, les avocats travaillent en collaboration avec les travailleurs sociaux, les organisateurs et les citoyens pour planifier la stratgie du mouvement social, tout en favorisant l'autonomisation et la mobilisation de la collectivit. La prsente thse offre un examen critique de ce modle, travers l'une de ses tactiques bien connues: le traitement des problmes juridiques individuels par les organisations militantes. La thse examine les hypothses fondatrices du modle law and organizing , en rinterprtant les problmes dindividualisation et dimpuissance comme tant des enjeux reconnus dans de multiples disciplines, partout o les acteurs font de lintervention sur une base individuelle afin de provoquer un changement systmique. La thse soutient quun modle de la pratique engage du droit qui associe l'individualisation et l'impuissance exclusivement la profession d'avocat risque de rpondre de faon inadquate aux deux problmes. La recherche propose un modle modifi qui met l'accent sur les options juridiques accessibles aux militants, tout en reconnaissant que la mobilisation et l'autonomisation sont des priorits qui sont partages entre plusieurs disciplines, mme si elles peuvent tre traites de faon particulire lintrieur de la profession juridique.
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Examina las principales orientaciones de los movimientos sociales juveniles en la historia latinoamericana de este siglo.
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O artigo discute a influncia do movimento social rural sobre as mudanas na poltica de apoio ao pequeno produtor rural e para a criao de parcerias entre o Governo e as Organizaes Locais para o desenvolvimento local na Amaznia, em particular no estado do Par. O objetivo do artigo examinar a parceria como um resultado de um processo interativo entre as mudanas nas polticas pblicas e as demandas dos movimentos sociais. O artigo mostra que embora os movimentos sociais faam parte de uma relao conflituosa entre o Estado e a sociedade civil, tais movimentos no estado do Par foram uma pr-condio para mudanas na poltica pblica, estrutura de financiamento e prioridades das agencias regionais que resultaram em proposies para cooperao entre o Governo e as Organizaes Locais em nvel municipal.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Social movement theories offer useful conceptual and analytical tools to the study and research of global media reform movements. This article is a critical analysis of the Communication Rights in the Information Society (CRIS) campaign. It explores its successes and blind-spots in the light of social movement theory, in particular resource mobilization theory (RMT), and offers practical directions for the movement to move on from where it is to where it ought to be.
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The thesis compares two contrasting strategies employed with the aim of combating particular forms of racism within contemporary Britain. Both are assessed as political strategies in their own right and placed within the broader context of reformist and revolutionary political traditions. The sociology of social movements is examined critically, as are Marxist and post-Marxist writings on the role of human agency within social structures and on the nature of social movements. The history of the Anti Nazi League (ANL) in the late 1970s and its opposition to the National Front is considered as an example of anti-racist social movement based on the Trotskyist model of the United Front. The degree to which the Anti Nazi League corresponded to such a model is analysed as are the potential broader applications for such a strategy. The strategy with which the ANL is compared is the development of anti-racist and equal opportunities policies within local government in the 1980s, primarily by Labour-controlled local authorities. The theory of the local state and the political phenomenon of municipal socialism are discussed, specifically the role of various groups operating in and around local authorities in the formation and implementation of anti-racist policy and practice. Following this general discussion, two case studies in each of the areas of local authority housing, education and employment are explored to consider in depth the problems of specific anti-racist policies. In summation the efficacy of the two strategies are considered as parts of wider political currents in tandem with their declared specific objectives.
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In this short rejoinder, I briefly contextualise and discuss the implications of Poulson, Caswell and Gray's article for Social Movement Studies. 2014 Taylor & Francis.
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After the election of John Sweeney as President of the AFL-CIO in October 1995, activists and supportive intellectuals in the United States began thinking about how to revitalize the almost moribund American labor movement. A key part of this literature has revolved around the concept of social movement unionism. This term touched a nerve, and has garnered widespread usage in North America over the past two decades. However, most researchers using this term have no idea that it was initially developed to understand the new unionism developed by members of specific labor movements in Brazil, the Philippines and South Africa, a type of unionism qualitatively different from that found in North America. This paper argues that the term social movement unionism should be confined only to labor organizations developing the same type of unionism, wherever in the world such should be found. Accordingly, this concept should not be utilized in North America today as there are no labor centers or unions present that are developing this type of trade unionism. It is important to clarify this confusion because it is leads to incorrect understandings and miscommunication. Accordingly, the current situationwhereby the same term is used to refer to two qualitatively different social phenomena theoretically works against efforts to build global labor solidarity. What about the progressive, broad-scope unionism emerging in North America over the past two decades? Taking a page from labor history, this article argues that the proper precedent is progressive unionism developed by the United Packinghouse Workers of America, CIO, and others, and therefore should be referred to as social justice unionism. An Appendix provides a measurement tool. The argument is empirically grounded and theoretically developed, allowing us to better understand trade unionism around the globe.