997 resultados para Transitional justice -- Spain


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The nature of the Portuguese transition to democracy and the following state crises (1974-1975) created a ‘window of opportunity’ in which the ‘reaction to the past’ was much stronger than in the other Southern or even of Central and Eastern European transitions. In Portugal, initiatives of symbolic rupture with the past began soon after the April 25, 1974, coup d’état and transitional justice policies assumed mainly three formulas. First, the institutional reforms directed primarily to abusive state institutions such as the political police (PIDE-DGS) and political courts (Plenary courts) in order to dismantle the repressive apparatus and prevent further human rights abuses and impunity. Secondly, the criminal prosecutions addressed to perpetrators considered as being the most responsible for repression and abuses. Finally, lustration or political purges (saneamentos, the term used in Portugal to designate political purges) which were, in fact, the most common form of political justice in Portuguese transition to democracy. This paper deals with the peculiarities of transitional justice in Portugal devoting a particular attention to the judicial, a key sector to understand the way the Portuguese dealt with their authoritarian past.

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The Commission on Investigation of Disappeared Persons, Truth and Reconciliation Act 2014 is Nepal’s latest attempt to establish a transitional programme to respond to conflict era abuses. In part, the Act remedies the inadequacies of the 2013 Ordinance. It creates two commissions, on truth and reconciliation and enforced disappearances, makes provision for the establishment of a Special Court to try past abuses and incorporates systems to enable vulnerable witnesses to participate in truth seeking. Yet in a number of respects it continues to fall short of international legal standards, not least in the possibility of amnesty for international crimes and gross violations of human rights. In addition, the relationship between the three mechanisms – truth seeking, amnesty and prosecution – remains unclear and safeguards for individual rights are lacking. This paper explores these recent developments, highlighting issues that must be remedied if transitional justice objectives are to be achieved in Nepal.

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Wahrheitskommissionen haben in den vergangenen rund dreißig Jahren eine bemerkenswerte internationale Karriere aufzuweisen gehabt. Sie haben sich dabei von einer der wichtigsten Innovationen im gesellschaftlichen Umgang mit historischem Unrecht zu einem globalen Aufarbeitungsstandard entwickelt. Bis in die Gegenwart sind Dutzende Wahrheitskommissionen auf fünf Kontinenten eingesetzt worden. Diese Entwicklung ist eng mit derjenigen des Feldes der Transitional Justice verbunden gewesen. Der Beitrag betrachtet die Genese, die Entwicklung und die Verbreitung der Wahrheitskommissionen als zentrales Instrument von Transitional Justice.

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Historische Ansätze sind in der Betrachtung von Transitional Justice rar geblieben. Den weitreichenden Veränderungen, die das Feld im Zuge seiner Ausdehnung zum weltweit dominierenden Reflexions- und Handlungszusammenhang im Umgang mit historischem Unrecht erfahren hat, ist deshalb in aller Regel keine angemessene Beachtung geschenkt worden. Der vorliegende Beitrag widmet sich aus historischer Sicht den Fragen, wie seit den späten 1980er Jahren über die Grenzen nationaler Aufarbeitungsschauplätze hinaus Wissen über Transitional Justice generiert und übertragen worden ist, welche die beteiligten Akteursgruppen waren und welche Auswirkungen der Wandel in den Wissenstransfers und im Verhältnis zwischen den Akteuren auf die Entwicklungen im Feld hatte. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse steht dabei das Instrument der Wahrheitskommissionen. Historical approaches to the study of transitional justice are rare. In the process of its expansion to the dominating paradigm in dealing with past injustices, the field experienced far reaching changes. Scholarship about transitional justice, however, has hardly taken into account these shifts in appropriate ways. This article examines from a historical point of view how knowledge about transitional justice was generated and transferred across the borders of the national sites of dealing with the past, what were the groups of actors involved and what effects the transformations of the knowledge circulation as well as of the relationship between the actors since the late 1980s had on the development of the field. The focus of the analysis, thereby, is on the instrument of truth commissions.

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This article explores the intersections of silence and transitional justice in Serbia, where, it is often suggested, the general public is silent and indifferent about human rights abuses that took place during the former Yugoslav conflicts. It considers both the 'silent' public and the ways in which transitional justice may be complicit in silencing it. Based on scholarship that suggests silences are not absences but rather sites of silent knowledge or a result of silencing, the article explores some of the dynamics hidden within the public's silence: shared knowledge, secret practices and inability to discuss violence. It also considers the ways in which audiences subvert and resist organized transitional justice initiatives or are caught up in a 'silent dilemma' in which they are unable to speak about the past under the discursive conditions created by transitional justice practitioners.

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This paper explores the convergences and divergence between transitional justice and peace-building, by considering some of the recent developments in scholarship and practice. We examine the notion of ‘peace’ in transitional justice and the idea of ‘justice’ in peacebuilding. We highlight that transitional justice and peacebuilding often engage with similar or related ideas, though the scholarship on in each field has developed, largely, in parallel to each other, and of-ten without any significant engagement between the fields of inquiry. We also note that both fields share other commonalities, insofar as they often neglect questions of capital (political, social, economic) and at times, gender. We suggest that trying to locate the nexus in the first place draws attention to where peace and justice have actually got to be produced in order for there not to be conflict and violence. This in turn demonstrates that locally, ‘peace’ and ‘justice’ do not always look like the ‘peace’ and ‘justice’ drawn up by international donors and peace-builders; and, despite the ‘turn to the local’ in international relations, it is surprising just how many local and everyday dynamics are (dis)missed as sources of peace and justice, or potential avenues of addressing the past.

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