910 resultados para Think tanks


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Non-government actors such as think-tanks are playing an important role in Australian policy work. As governments increasingly outsource policy work previously done by education departments and academics to these new policy actors, more think-tanks have emerged that represent a wide range of political views and ideological positions. This paper looks at the emergence of the Grattan Institute as one significant player in Australian education policy with a particular emphasis on Grattan’s report ‘Turning around low-performing schools’. Grattan exemplifies many of the facets of Barber’s ‘deliverology’, as they produce reports designed to be easily digested, simply actioned and provide reassurance that there is an answer, often through focusing on ‘what works’ recipes. ‘Turning around low-performing schools’ is a perfect example of this deliverology. However, a close analysis of the Report suggests that it contains four major problems which seriously impact its usefulness for schools and policymakers: it ignores data that may be more important in explaining the turn-around of schools, the Report is overly reliant on NAPLAN data, there are reasons to be suspicious about the evidence assembled, and finally the Report falls into a classic trap of logic—the post hoc fallacy.

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O objetivo deste trabalho é identificar as incertezas-críticas prospectivas para fhínk fanks, importante subsídio na elaboração de cenários prospectivos para essas organizações. O enfoque é qualitativo: os dados, coletados por bibliografia e em entrevistas com executivos estratégicos da Fundação Getulio Vargas e especialistas internacionais, foram tratados pelo método da Análise Estrutural. Para tanto, utilizouse o Modelo URCA (MARQUES, 1988). Acredita-se tratar de abordagem inédita na área, pois registro de Análises Prospectivas para thínk tanks não foram localizados. A base teórica analisa diversas definições e classificações de fhínk fanks, identifica atributos comuns a tais conceitos e, a partir deste referencial, apresenta a definição de thínk tank, objeto deste estudo. Em seguida, a partir dos dados coletados, são descritas 21 variáveis prospectivas. Essa lista inicial de variáveis é submetida ao Modelo URCA de Análise Estrutural, gerando, como resultado, oito incertezascríticas prospectivas para thínk fanks: Internacionalização de thínk fanks; Globalização da agenda; Projeção internacional das nações; Concorrência entre thínk tanks; Concorrência de organizações não-governamentais, consultorias, web e similares; Quadro técnico; Corpo dirigente; e Diversificação e sustentação financeiras.

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This paper analyses the role of think tanks in Swiss policy making. Starting from the relationship between interest groups and the state, which has been shaping Swiss policy making for a long time, we hypothesize that these structures offer good possibilities for scientific arguments and ideas to influence the process of policy making. Our observations from a recent example indeed illustrates that think tanks can use the same channels as vested interests to bring in their know-how. Furthermore, we conclude that the characteristics of the political system, e.g. direct democracy and the consensual alignment particularly influence the chances of think tanks to intervene. In this exchange vested interests and think tanks do not really interfere with each other, but rather they complement each other both having.

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Fil: Di Bello, Mariana Eva. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

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Fil: Di Bello, Mariana Eva. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

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Depuis l’élection de Jean Charest en 2003, nous constatons que les dogmes issus du discours idéologique néolibéral (déréglementation, privatisation, libéralisation et réduction des dépenses publiques) ont régulièrement et fortement inondé tous les domaines de l’espace public québécois, tant chez les élus que chez les grands conglomérats de médias écrits et audiovisuels. Nous cherchions à savoir qui exerçait une si grande influence pour que rayonnent ces idées conservatrices dans les discours publics au Québec. Nos recherches nous ont menée à un Think Tank québécois : l’Institut économique de Montréal. L’élite intellectuelle qui compose cette organisation a su user d’une influence importante auprès de certains médias écrits, notamment ceux de Gesca, qui, grâce à l’étendue de son puissant réseau social et à son adhésion aux stratégies d’influence de ses pairs, les Think Tanks partisans, a relayé les idées néolibérales de l’IEDM à l’intérieur du discours public québécois. Ce Think Tank a ainsi fait rayonner ses idées dans les pages des quotidiens parmi les plus lus par les Québécois francophones. De jeunes Think Tanks comme l’IEDM jugent primordial l’accès aux médias pour façonner l’opinion et les politiques publiques. Leur objectif est de réussir à influencer la mise à l’agenda et le cadrage des médias afin qu’ils favorisent leurs propositions et leurs idées. L’analyse de trois cas a permis de montrer, qu’à trois moments différents, l’IEDM a influencé la mise à l’agenda des quotidiens de Gesca et que le cadrage s’est révélé favorable aux propositions de l’IEDM dans une proportion importante.

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Este trabajo describe la participación de actores no gubernamentales como los denominados Think Tanks en el ciclo de la polìtica exterior de los Estados Unidos. Centrándose en el Council On Foreign Relations y su rol en la política exterior estadounidense desde su fundación en 1921.

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Throughout the developed world demographic trends and their forecast consequences are attracting the attention of governments, academics, think tanks and the popular press alike. Population aging, in particular, is the focus of many and has generated extensive debate. Approaches commonly advocated in the literature include a mix of ‘population', ‘participation’ and ‘productivity’ measures. Immigration and population policy alongside industry reform and related productivity initiatives are also being pursued. Participation, however, remains a key element of the demographic change policy response. Evidence suggests however, that these approaches are unlikely to deliver the necessary labour force volumes. This has prompted a shift in the participation agenda to also include a stronger focus on skilled and experienced older workers. The literature suggests, however, that the current suite of practices are less than effective for the long-term unemployed, previously long-tenured older workers with specialised skills and trade-displaced workers. Adverse health and human capital outcomes often associated with social disadvantage are complicating factors. This reminds of the complexity of the challenge in seeking to deliver social equity to the disadvantaged and suggests a need for an alternative policy architecture. By integrating the three concepts of health capital, human capital and social capital we show how policy has to change if the older age cohorts of jobseekers are to be assisted to remain employable. This review includes an examination of current policy, a consolidation of the literature and original data.

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This article analyses what it describes as the corporatization of the ‘intellectual machinery’ of government: the theories, knowledges, research and ‘know how’ utilized by political authorities to render the world thinkable, programmable and subject to intervention. Through an analysis of two key nodal points in national policy on teacher professional standards in Australia over the last decade, the article discloses a shift in the relation between expertise and politics. This is manifested, it is argued, in an increased reliance by policy authorities on corporatized forms of research produced by national and international private consulting firms, Think Tanks, and ‘policy entrepreneurs’ and a concomitant decrease in their reliance on free research produced largely by academics in institutions of higher education. The article seeks to account for this shift in terms of the ‘advanced liberal’ formula for rule which now characterizes government in contemporary Western polities.

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Competitive advantage in a knowledge economy is dependent on the ability to innovate and create new knowledge products and services, and to find innovative applications for them. Higher education institutions in Asia and the Pacific, modelled on industrial age thinking that demands excellence in routinized capacities, lack the ability to innovate and create new knowledge enterprises. The transition to a knowledge economy is affecting the purpose, content, pedagogy, and methodologies of higher education. Nontraditional stakeholders such as professional bodies, industry experts, think tanks, research institutes, and field experts/practitioners are now involved not only in planning but in providing higher education services. The traditional model of “knowledge versus skills” is no longer relevant. Higher education programs must consider lived experiences, contextual knowledge, and indigenous knowledge.

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This paper conceptualises think tanks and edu-businesses in relation to education policy work in the Australian polity. It situates the enhanced influence of both in relation to the restructured state, which has lost some key capacities in relation to the generation of research and ideas for policy. This restructuring has been strongly influenced by the techniques of new public management, the auditing of education through national and international testing and new forms of network governance, which have opened up spaces for the increased influence of think tanks and edu-businesses across the policy cycle in education. We see here the workings of a ‘polycentric state’. The paper also considers changing concepts of ‘evidence’, ‘expertise’ and ‘influence’ in respect of the involvement of think tanks and edu-businesses in circulating policy ideas and affecting policy development in Australian education. This introduction to this special issue of The Australian Educational Researcher serves as a provocation to further research on this new policy scenario.

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Desde su invención en los años cincuenta, la política cultural ha sido objeto de análisis y reflexión por parte de las ciencias sociales. No obstante, en España presenta una serie de características diferenciadoras frente a las democracias occidentales europeas como consecuencia del periodo franquista. Con la recuperación de la democracia España adquiere el paradigma dominante de una política cultural democrática basada en la libertad, el pluralismo y el derecho a la cultura. Sin embargo, tras décadas de gobiernos democráticos el diagnóstico de la política cultural en España presenta rasgos de crisis sistémica, además de los efectos de la crisis global financiera de inicios del siglo XXI. En este contexto, los autores diagnostican, aplicando la metodología Delphi y recurriendo a fuentes secundarias, un conjunto de discursos sociales y narrativas que parecen funcionar como recursos cognitivos solucionistas en la esfera artística y cultural y que no están exentos de contradicciones y aporías, fruto de su contraste empírico.