836 resultados para Teenage boys


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The purpos e of this phenomenological research is to explore the meaning of a YMCA-sponsored after-school recreation program in the lives of four adolescent boys. Listening to youth voice is impor t ant to the ability of othe r s to design, implement and evaluate high-quality programs tha t facilitate learning opportunities tha t a r e meaningful to participants. Within the context of interviews, task-based activities we r e used to ga the r data. Guided by Creswell's analytic spiral (1998), data wa s analyzed according to van Manen's (1990) thematic analysis and Caeilli's (2000) creative narrative analysis. It wa s found tha t this after-school progr am provided the s e adolescents with the opportunity to escape from the i r monotonous after-school activities and the instability of the i r home and school environments. Also, they we r e connected wi th positive peers, caring adults and the wide r community, opportunities tha t we r e limited in othe r aspects of the i r lives. Methodological issues a r e also discussed.

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ADAM Cass's I Love You, Bro is an engaging portrayal of just how far some young people can go in constructing fantasy worlds online. The play is, according to Cass, based on the case of two teenage boys in Britain in the early 2000s. Troubled teen Johnny lives at home with his mother and her new partner. Lurking in an online chat room one day, he strikes up a conversation with MarkyMark, a slightly older soccer-playing boy from the popular crowd in his own local town, who mistakes him for a girl. The plot unfolds from this one moment of mistaken identity. Johnny concocts an increasingly tenuous series of characters, plot twists and intrigues to try to maintain his relationship with MarkyMark and deal with the lie at the heart of his first love, eventually conspiring - as he tells us from the first moment - to cause his own murder.

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In this research I ask what is interpreted as sex-based harassment by 15-16-year old girls and boys. By sex-based harassment I refer to one-sided, unwanted attention that is based on gender and that makes the target feel embarrassed, frightened, hurt or angry. My focus is not on the most overt cases of harassment but rather on everyday encounters. While young people differentiate between harassing and non-harassing attention, at the same time they define, assign value to and construct differences and power relations on the basis of gender, age and ethnicity, for example. My main data consists of essays (N 104, 54 girls, 54 boys) and thematic interviews (N 14; 20 girls, 3 boys) of ninth graders of a secondary school in Helsinki. In the essays and interviews, students construe the border between pleasant and unpleasant, tolerable and intolerable attention as clear in principle, but, they suggest that in practice this border is ambivalent, negotiable and contextual. The interpretations of incidents are justified by referring to features of the target, the scene or the perpetrator. Targets of harassment are most often construed as being girls who are characterized as thin-skinned, but at the same time they are expected to be understanding toward any sex-based attention they may get, particularly when it is not physical. On the other hand, girls are regarded as equal and even active participants in incidents of harassment. Such statements include considerations of how girls either reject or invite particular kinds of attention by their actions and outward appearance. Forms of harassment, ways of understanding it as well as overcoming it vary according to spatial context. By situating incidents in different spaces and places, young people contrast their experiences with ordinary and predictable non-harassment that takes place e.g. in discos and unusual and unexpected harassment that takes place e.g. in the city streets in the daytime. The behaviour of boys harassing a girls is naturalized by appealing to young masculinity and the childishness but also strong sexual drive which is seen as characteristic of teenage boys. On the other hand, sex-based harassment is racialized and pathologized in ways that separate the phenomenon from young, Finnish, normal masculinity. Both the material experiences of the young people and the definitions of the parties involved in harassing incidents are gendered. Girls encounter and deal with sexualized commenting and unwanted approaches much more often and in a more intensive way than boys. Furthermore, there is a vast cultural repertoire of acceptable accounts that can be mobilised in order to excuse male harassers, to critically evaluate the appearance or action of the female targets and to divide the responsibility between the female target and the male perpetrator.

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Football is a universal and an affordable game but we need to minimize the incidence of accidents among the increasing number of young football players. Our 11 year retrospective epidemiological study (1990-2000) of football injuries in children (N= 1000) was compared with those of adult players in the 2006 European Championship. This comparative study confirmed that the anatomical, biomechanical and biological conditions differ between adults and children and that they warrant particular attention to protect the latter vulnerable group against bone avulsions, overuse pathologies and fatigue-fractures. Injuries were shown to increase significantly with age up to 16 years (P=0.005). Children suffer mainly from contusions, fractures and sprain injuries. Head injuries were more common in boys (P=0.070), while girls were more prone to sprains. The types of injuries differ between adults and children (sprain versus fractures), the anatomical location of injuries is different (lower limbs in adults, lower and upper limbs in children), the circumstances of the injuries are different (contact in adults versus non-contact in children), and teenage girls have different types of injuries than teenage boys. An increased incidence of injuries is due to changes in the position of the center of gravity and in the morphotype during rapid growth. For these reasons it is mandatory to adapt the training to the age and sex of the players. It is unsafe to train children the same way as adults. The height, the weight and the speed of growth must be taken into account by the multidisciplinary team when organising the training programmes. -- Le football fait partie des sports les plus pratiqués au monde en raison de sa popularité et de son accessibilité économ ique. L'incidence des blessures liées à cette pratique doit être diminuée surtout chez les jeunes joueurs en raison de la croissance exponentielle du nombre de joueurs féminins et masculins. Une étude épidémiologique rétrospective sur 11 ans (1990-2000) a été réalisée chez les enfants victimes de blessures liées au football (N==1000), puis a été comparée aux données recueillies de l'UEFA lors d'un Championnat Européen en 2006 sur les lésions des joueurs adultes. Cette étude comparative confirme que les structures anatomiques, biologiques et les tensions biomécaniques chez l'enfant diffèrent de celles de l'adulte. Les enfants ont un risque plus élevé de souffrir d'avulsion osseuse et de fractures de fatigue que les adultes. Les blessures augmentent significativement avec l'âge jusqu'à 16 ans (P==0,005). Les traumatismes crâniens sont plus fréquents chez les garçons tandis que les entorses sont plus à risque chez les filles. Les adultes font plus souvent des entorses tandis que les enfants font plus de fractures. La localisation anatomique diffère également entre ces deux groupes (les membres inférieurs chez l'adulte et les membres inférieurs et supérieurs chez l'enfant). La circonstance des blessures diffère également (choc avec un autre joueur chez l'adulte et des blessures sans contact chez l'enfant). Chez les adolescents, les blessures des filles diffèrent de celles des garçons. L'augmentation chez les enfants de cette incidence est liée au déplacement lors de la croissance du centre de gravité, avec une maladresse accrue lors des phases de croissance. Pour toutes ces raisons, il est justifié d'adapter les entraînements de football en fonction de l'âge, du sexe et du morphotype. L'entrainement des enfants doit être différent de celui des adultes. Le poids, la taille et la vitesse de croissance doit être prise en compte dans des structures multidisciplinaires afin de permettre une meilleure longévité sportive des jeunes joueurs de football.

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La délinquance juvénile a été souvent dépeinte de façon globale sans distinction de genre, ou encore, elle fut décrite principalement chez les garçons. Constater la faible représentation des adolescentes prises en charge en vertu de la Loi sur le système de justice pénale pour adolescents, comparativement aux garçons, conduit vers diverses explications. Certaines mettent l’accent sur la personne, arguant que la délinquance des filles est différente de celle des garçons, moins fréquente et surtout moins violente. D’autres mettent l’accent sur le traitement des instances judiciaires qu’on dit protectionniste vis-à-vis des filles, ce qui fait qu’on les dirige plutôt vers le système de Protection de la jeunesse pour troubles de comportement. Devant cette divergence d’explication, nous avons cherché à comprendre si la faible représentation des filles dans le système de justice pénale pour adolescent est due aux comportements des adolescents en tant que tels, ou à la manière dont leurs comportements sont perçus et gérés par les intervenants oeuvrant auprès de ces jeunes impliqués dans des situations-problèmes, lesquelles sont susceptibles ou non, d’être judiciarisées. Notre étude pose un regard sur l’enclenchement du processus judiciaire auquel des adolescents se trouvent confrontés, c’est-à-dire leur arrestation ou leur signalement à une instance officielle, sous l’angle de la représentation sociale des jeunes par les intervenants. Pour ce faire, nous avons rencontré des intervenants du milieu scolaire, puisque l’école se situe au deuxième rang des signalants vers le système de prise en charge des adolescents en difficulté, après les parents. Nous leur avons présenté des cas-types, sous forme de vignettes, visant à saisir leurs perceptions et réactions vis-à-vis des situations-problèmes impliquant des adolescentes et des adolescents, en souhaitant déterminer si celles-ci varient en fonction du genre. Bien qu’en théorie la vision des interviewés quant à la délinquance juvénile soit assez uniforme, et ce, peu importe le sexe du délinquant, nos résultats montrent qu’en pratique, il y a un double standard. Ainsi, si les règles sont conçues pour tous et les conséquences de leur non-respect doivent en principe s’appliquer également sans distinction, lorsqu’il s’agit d’intervenir, les interviewés conviennent que leur approche diffère selon qu’ils aient affaire à une fille ou à un garçon. Par ailleurs, ils déplorent le manque criant de ressources et questionnent la volonté de certains parents de contribuer à la réussite scolaire de leur enfant. Ultimement, ils remettent en cause, dans une large mesure, le système éducatif québécois. En tant qu’acteurs sociaux, les intervenants ont le pouvoir de faire valoir leur point de vue. L’analyse de ce point de vue, dans le cadre de notre mémoire, montre l’importance de leur rôle dans le parcours des adolescents, garçons et filles, plus spécialement lorsque ceux-ci se trouvent impliqués dans des situations-problèmes.

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"December 1994."

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The World Health Organisation, amongst others, recognises that adolescent men have a vital yet neglected role in reducing teenage pregnancies and that there is a pressing need for educational interventions designed especially for them. This study seeks to fill this gap by determining the feasibility of conducting an effectiveness trial of the If I Were Jack intervention in post-primary schools. This 4-week intervention aims to increase teenagers' intentions to avoid unintended pregnancy and addresses gender inequalities in sex education by explicitly focusing on young men. A cluster randomised feasibility trial with embedded process evaluation will determine: recruitment, participation and retention rates; quality of implementation; acceptability and feasibility of the intervention and trial procedures; and costs. (C) 2014 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.

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Following the UK Medical Research Council’s (MRC) guidelines for the development and evaluation of complex interventions, this study aimed to design, develop and optimise an educational intervention about young men and unintended teenage pregnancy based around an interactive film. The process involved identification of the relevant evidence base, development of a theoretical understanding of the phenomenon of unintended teenage pregnancy in relation to young men, and exploratory mixed methods research. The result was an evidence-based, theory-informed, user-endorsed intervention designed to meet the much neglected pregnancy education needs of teenage men and intended to increase both boys’ and girls’ intentions to avoid an unplanned pregnancy during adolescence. In prioritising the development phase, this paper addresses a gap in the literature on the processes of research-informed intervention design. It illustrates the application of the MRC guidelines in practice while offering a critique and additional guidance to programme developers on the MRC prescribed processes of developing interventions. Key lessons learned were: 1) know and engage the target population and engage gatekeepers in addressing contextual complexities; 2) know the targeted behaviours and model a process of change; and 3) look beyond development to evaluation and implementation.

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Background: Stereotypically perceived to be an ‘all male’ occupation, engineering has for many years failed to attract high numbers of young women [1,2]. The reasons for this are varied, but tend to focus on misconceptions of the profession as being more suitable for men. In seeking to investigate this issue a participatory research approach was adopted [3] in which two 17 year-old female high school students interviewed twenty high school girls. Questions focused on the girls’ perceptions of engineering as a study and career choice. The findings were recorded and analysed using qualitative techniques. The study identified three distinctive ‘influences’ as being pivotal to girls’ perceptions of engineering; pedagogical; social; and, familial. Pedagogical Influences: Pedagogical influences tended to focus on science and maths. In discussing science, the majority of the girls identified biology and chemistry as more ‘realistic’ whilst physics was perceived to more suitable for boys. The personality of the teacher, and how a particular subject is taught, proved to be important influences shaping opinions. Social Influences: Societal influences were reflected in the girls’ career choice with the majority considering medical or social science related careers. Although all of the girls believed engineering to be ‘male dominated’, none believed that a woman should not be engineer. Familial Influences: Parental influence was identified as key to career and study choice; only two of the girls had discussed engineering with their parents of which only one was being actively encouraged to pursue a career in engineering. Discussion: The study found that one of the most significant barriers to engineering is a lack of awareness. Engineering did not register in the girls’ lives, it was not taught in school, and only one had met a female engineer. Building on the study findings, the discussion considers how engineering could be made more attractive to young women. Whilst misconceptions about what an engineer is need to be addressed, other more fundamental pedagogical barriers, such as the need to make physics more attractive to girls and the need to develop the curriculum so as to meet the learning needs of 21st Century students are discussed. By drawing attention to the issues around gender and the barriers to engineering, this paper contributes to current debates in this area – in doing so it provides food for thought about policy and practice in engineering and engineering education.

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Inscriptions: Verso: [stamped] Photograph by Freda Leinwand. [463 West Street, Studio 229G, New York, NY 10014].

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Inscriptions: Verso: [stamped] Photograph by Freda Leinwand. [463 West Street, Studio 229G, New York, NY 10014].

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Inscriptions: Verso: [stamped] Photograph by Freda Leinwand. [463 West Street, Studio 229G, New York, NY 10014].

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Inscriptions: Verso: [stamped] Photograph by Freda Leinwand. [463 West Street, Studio 229G, New York, NY 10014].

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