770 resultados para Symbolic Violence


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In this paper microlevel politics and conflict associated with social and economic change in the countryside and linked changes in rural governance are explored with a focus upon research carried out on a recent rural policy initiative aimed at local 'empowerment'. This acts as a touchstone for a wider theoretical discussion. The paper is theorised within a conceptual framework derived and extended from the work of Pierre Bourdieu and others in order to explore case studies of the English Countryside Commission's Parish Paths Partnership scheme. The micropolitics involved with this scheme are examined and used to highlight more general issues raised by increased 'parish empowerment' in the 'postrural'.

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Design embeds ideas in communication and artefacts in subtle and psychologically powerful ways. Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu coined the term ‘symbolic violence’ to describe how powerful ideologies, priorities, values and even sensibilities are constructed and reproduced through cultural institutions, processes and practices. Through symbolic violence, individuals learn to consider unjust conditions as natural and even come to value customs and ideas that are oppressive. Symbolic violence normalises structural violence and enables real violence to take place, often preceding it and later justifying it. Feminist, class, race and indigenous scholars and activists describe how oppressions (how patriarchy, racism, colonialism, etc.) exist within institutions and structures, and also within cultural practices that embed ideologies into everyday life. The theory of symbolic violence sheds light on how design can function to naturalise oppressions and then obfuscate power relations around this process. Through symbolic violence, design can function as an enabler for the exploitation of certain groups of people and the environment they (and ultimately ‘we’) depend on to live. Design functions as symbolic violence when it is involved with the creation and reproduction of ideas, practices, tools and processes that result in structural and other types of violence (including ecocide). Breaking symbolic violence involves discovering how it works and building capacities to challenge and transform dysfunctional ideologies, structures and institutions. This conversation will give participants an opportunity to discuss, critique and/or develop the theory of design as symbolic violence as a basis for the development of design strategies for social justice.

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When we take a step back from the imposing figure of physical violence, it becomes possible to examine other structurally violent forces that constantly shape our cultural and political landscapes. One of the driving interests in the “turn to Paul” in recent continental philosophy stems from wrestling with questions about the real nature of contemporary violence. Paul is positioned as a thinker whose messianic experience began to cut through the violent masquerade of the existing order. The crucifixion and resurrection of the Messiah (a slave and a God co-existing in one body) exposed the empty grounding upon which power resided. The Christ-event signifies a moment of violent interruption in the existing order which Paul enjoins the Gentiles to participate in through a dedication of love for the neighbour. This divine violence aims to reveal and subvert the “powers,” epitomised in the Roman Empire, in order to fulfil the labour of the Messianic now-time which had arrived. The impetus behind this research comes from a typically enigmatic and provocative section of text by the Slovene philosopher, cultural critic, and Christian atheist Slavoj Žižek. He claims that 'the notion of love should be given here all its Paulinian weight: the domain of pure violence… is the domain of love' (2008a, 173). In this move he links Paul’s idea of love to that of Walter Benjamin’s divine violence; the sublime and the cataclysmic come together in this seemingly perverse notion. At stake here is the way in which uncovering violent forces in the “zero-level” of our narrative worldviews aids the diagnosis of contemporary political and ethical issues. It is not enough to imagine Paul’s encounter with the Christ-event as non-violent. This Jewish apocalyptic movement was engaged in a violent struggle within an existing order that God’s wrath will soon dismantle. Paul’s weak violence, inspired by his fidelity to the Christ-event, places all responsibility over creation in the role of the individual within the collective body. The centre piece of this re-imagined construction of the Pauline narrative comes in Romans 13: the violent dedication to love understood in the radical nature of the now-time. 3 This research examines the role that narratives play in the creation and diagnosis of these violent forces. In order to construct a new genealogy of violence in Christianity it is crucial to understand the role of the slave of Christ (the revolutionary messianic subject). This turn in the Symbolic is examined through creating a literary structure in which we can approach a radical Nietzschean shift in Pauline thought. The claim here, a claim which is also central to Paul’s letters, is that when the symbolic violence which manipulates our worldviews is undone by a divine violence, if even for a moment, new possibilities are created in the opening for a transvaluation of values. Through this we uncover the nature of original sin: the consequences of the interconnected reality of our actions. The role of literature is vital in the construction of this narrative; starting with Cormac McCarthy’s No Country for Old Men, and continuing through works such as Melville’s Bartleby the Scrivener, this thesis draws upon the power of literature in the shaping of our narrative worlds. Typical of the continental philosophy at the heart of this work, a diverse range of illustrations and inspirations from fiction is pulled into its narrative to reflect the symbolic universe that this work was forged through. What this work attempts to do is give this theory a greater grounding in Paul’s letters by demonstrating this radical kenotic power at the heart of the Christ-event. Romans 13 reveals, in a way that has not yet been picked up by Critchley, Žižek, and others, that Paul opposed the biopolitical power of the Roman Empire through the weak violence of love that is the labour of the slaves of Christ on the “now-time” that had arrived.

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Symbolic power is discussed with reference to mathematics and formal languages. Two distinctions are crucial for establishing mechanical and formal perspectives: one between appearance and reality, and one between sense and reference. These distinctions include a nomination of what to consider primary and secondary. They establish the grammatical format of a mechanical and a formal world view. Such views become imposed on the domains addressed by means of mathematics and formal languages. Through such impositions symbolic power of mathematics becomes exercised. The idea that mathematics describes as it prioritises is discussed with reference to robotting and surveillance. In general, the symbolic power of mathematics and formal languages is summarised through the observations: that mathematics treats parts and properties as autonomous, that it dismembers what it addresses and destroys the organic unity around things, and that it simplifies things and reduces them to a single feature. But, whatever forms the symbolic power may take, it cannot be evaluated along a single good-bad axis.

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física

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Este artigo se propõe a analisar o tipo de relação que as Unidades de Saúde estabelecem com os adolescentes no município de Fortaleza, CE, na perspectiva da violência simbólica de Pierre Bourdieu. Para tanto, foram organizados seis grupos focais constituídos de profissionais das Unidades Básicas de Saúde da Família. O número de participantes variou de 10 a 15 pessoas. Os critérios de escolha das Unidades foram: aquelas que já realizaram algum projeto de promoção à saúde ou prevenção de doenças com adolescentes; que possuem profissionais que são reconhecidos por desenvolverem atendimento junto aos adolescentes. As falas do grupo foram anotadas e transcritas por um observador independente. O material coletado foi analisado de acordo com os critérios clássicos da análise de conteúdo. Os resultados mostraram que há uma descrença na implantação de políticas públicas para a saúde na adolescência e que a sustentabilidade de programas e projetos fica fragilizada pela ausência dessa estrutura de apoio às ações no cuidado aos adolescentes

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Esta dissertação inscreve-se no debate sobre educação e política, voltado para análise da relação entre educação, currículo escolar e violência simbólica, na perspectiva do adolescente entre 12 e 17 anos que cumpre medida socioeducativa no Centro de Referência Especializado de Assistência Social – CREAS de Vitória (ES). Tem por objetivo analisar e refletir sobre a inadequação curricular no que se refere às expectativas desses adolescentes. A hipótese sustentada é que há inadequação curricular de um modo geral e, em particular, para atender à condição dos alunos em cumprimento de medida socioeducativa. A pesquisa demonstra que existe uma discrepância grande entre a regulamentação das medidas e a prática no cotidiano escolar desses adolescentes, e um dos grandes entraves para essa adequação é a ausência de protagonismo, ou seja, os professores que trabalham com esses adolescentes e o próprio adolescente não foram ouvidos para a formulação das propostas. Resultado disso é uma escola totalmente desinteressante para esses adolescentes e ineficaz do ponto de vista pedagógico. Teoricamente, o fio condutor desta análise teve como base a violência simbólica a partir de Bourdieu e Passeron e as discussões feitas por Apple e Candau.

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[cat] Aquest treball recull el procés i els resultats de la recerca "Dones a la Ciència i a la Universitat: la contribució de la identitat docent i investigadora en contextos de desigualtat" (2007 RDG 00001)finançada per l'Agència de Gestió d'Ajuts Universitaris i de Recerca (AGAUR) en la convocatòria d'ajuts per a l'estudi de desigualtats originades per motius de gènere en l'àmbit científic i universitari (RDG) per l'any 2007. La finalitat d'aquest projecte ha estat explorar i reconstruirl'experiència personal i professional de tres generacions de dones en el procés de construcció de la seva identitat com a docents, investigadores i gestores. La forma d'assolir aquesta finalitat ha estatl'elaboració de 8 històries de vida professional per tal de comprendre la relació entre les seves trajectòries i les condicions de la seva feina i esbrinar com es van convertir en la mena de donesprofessores, investigadores o gestores que ara són; així com les relacions entre les experiències personals i el desenvolupament de les seves trajectòries professionals. En aquest procés s'han posat en evidència les estratègies d'adaptació, resistència i creació que les dones desenvolupen enla seva interacció amb el context de la docència, la recerca i la gestió, les formes de violència simbòlica que experimenten, i els canvis que s'han produït al centres de recerca i les universitats catalanes des de la perspectiva de gènere en els darrers trenta anys.

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[cat] Aquest treball recull el procés i els resultats de la recerca "Dones a la Ciència i a la Universitat: la contribució de la identitat docent i investigadora en contextos de desigualtat" (2007 RDG 00001)finançada per l'Agència de Gestió d'Ajuts Universitaris i de Recerca (AGAUR) en la convocatòria d'ajuts per a l'estudi de desigualtats originades per motius de gènere en l'àmbit científic i universitari (RDG) per l'any 2007. La finalitat d'aquest projecte ha estat explorar i reconstruirl'experiència personal i professional de tres generacions de dones en el procés de construcció de la seva identitat com a docents, investigadores i gestores. La forma d'assolir aquesta finalitat ha estatl'elaboració de 8 històries de vida professional per tal de comprendre la relació entre les seves trajectòries i les condicions de la seva feina i esbrinar com es van convertir en la mena de donesprofessores, investigadores o gestores que ara són; així com les relacions entre les experiències personals i el desenvolupament de les seves trajectòries professionals. En aquest procés s'han posat en evidència les estratègies d'adaptació, resistència i creació que les dones desenvolupen enla seva interacció amb el context de la docència, la recerca i la gestió, les formes de violència simbòlica que experimenten, i els canvis que s'han produït al centres de recerca i les universitats catalanes des de la perspectiva de gènere en els darrers trenta anys.

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The contemporary discussion about the transformation of the training of health professionals has focused primarily on the change in method. This article discusses this issue in the light of Pierre Bourdieu's theoretical contributions - habitus, field, symbolic capital, symbolic violence and reproduction. The conclusion is drawn that pedagogical change alone is not enough to change the profile of medical graduates.

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Le nationalisme basque est apparu voilà maintenant deux siècles, cependant, il ne connait un retentissement mondial que depuis environ cinquante ans avec la création de l’ETA (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, Pays basque Et Liberté). Fondée pour combattre le régime franquiste, cette organisation est aujourd’hui considérée comme un groupe terroriste par l’ensemble de la communauté internationale. L’organisation va être, toutefois, à la base d’une prise de conscience nationale basque sur la question de l’appartenance à un même peuple et, aujourd’hui, la lutte pour l’autodétermination du Pays basque fait écho tant sur le territoire espagnol que français. Ce mouvement nationaliste, bien qu’indissociable entre le sud et le nord, prendra tout de même des modes d’expression différents même si le nationalisme basque restera toujours rattachée à une violence politique. Le présent terrain de recherche a alors permis de récolter les « perceptions subjectives » de la population basque sur cette violence politique et ainsi, de dégager une violence de la part des Etats espagnol et français. Cette violence d’Etat est principalement caractérisée par une violence symbolique mais elle ira parfois jusqu’à une violence physique. Ainsi, bien plus que les contextes historiques et institutionnels distincts des Etats espagnol et français, c’est la violence disparate des ces deux Etats qui est le facteur de distinction de la violence nationaliste constatée sur le territoire français et espagnol.