990 resultados para State activism
Resumo:
This paper presents the result of a qualitative empirical research about the “Criatec Fund”, a venture capital fund, privately managed and directed to innovative firms, that was created in 2007 by the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES). The paper discusses the role of law in the implementation of the Criatec Fund in three different legal dimensions: structural, regulatory and contractual. Based on interviews, this paper tries to test some hypothesis previously formulated by some scholars that studied new financial policies created by the BNDES. This study explains the institutional arrangements of this seed capital policy and the role of flexible legal instruments in the execution of this peculiar type of publicprivate partnership. It also poses some questions to the “law and development agenda” based on some insights from the economic sociology of law.
Resumo:
Il est mondialement reconnu que les institutions judiciaires jouent un rôle central dans le processus de prise de décisions politiques, à la fois au niveau national et international. C’est d’ailleurs le cas à la Haute Cour de justice d’Israël. L’étendue de son succès (ou de son échec) dans la tentative de trouver une solution aux violations des droits humains dans les territoires occupés est un problème qui continue de faire l’objet de bien des débats et de recherches académiques. À cet égard, il a été suggéré que, malgré l’absence de constitution écrite et l’existence d’un état d’urgence prolongé en Israël, la Haute Cour de justice a réussi à adopter une approche « judiciairement active » quant à la protection et la promotion des droits de l’homme de manière générale, y compris ceux des Palestiniens dans les territoires occupés. Dans cette perspective, le débat sur le processus d’examen judiciaire de la Haute Cour de Justice tient pour acquise la notion qu’Israël est une démocratie. Ainsi, cet article cherche à examiner cette hypothèse. Premièrement, en adoptant la position que le processus de révision judiciaire est compatible avec la démocratie et la règle de loi. Deuxièmement, il examine l’approche « judiciairement active » de la Cour et soumet un bref aperçu du processus, des outils et des principes légaux que la Cour adopte pour examiner les actions des autorités israéliennes, y compris l’armée, et imposer une loi commune de protection des droits de la personne, donc ceux des Palestiniens dans les territoires occupés. L’article argumente également que le contrôle prolongé des territoires occupés par Israël a eu des conséquences significatives, car tout effort fourni par la Cour pour garantir le respect des droits humains de la population civile palestinienne doit se faire sans compromettre la sécurité du pouvoir israélien. La conclusion à laquelle on arrive ici dépend de la façon dont on qualifie ce contrôle: une occupation à long terme ou une annexion (ce qui n’est pas réglementaire par rapport à loi internationale), ce qui n’est pas sans conséquence sur le rôle que la Haute Cour de justice peut effectivement jouer pour faire respecter les droits de la personne dans les territoires occupés.
Resumo:
Alors que l’intérêt pour les processus d’intégration des immigrants et des minorités ethniques est en pleine croissance parmi les chercheurs européens, les facteurs qui expliquent les différentes formes de participation civique et politique doivent être examinés plus en profondeur. Prenant pour base la littérature sur l’immigration, cette étude examine la question de recherche suivante: Comment peut-on expliquer les variations des formes de participation civique et politique des activistes issus de l’immigration au niveau local? Afin de répondre à cette question, cette étude identifie les formes de participation de la part d’activistes issus de l’immigration dans quatre villes Italiennes et examine les discours et les pratiques de multiples acteurs impliqués dans le domaine de l’immigration dans un contexte national d’hostilité croissante. Cette thèse soutient que pour comprendre différentes formes de participation, il est important de considérer non seulement l’État et les acteurs institutionnels, mais aussi les acteurs non-institutionnels et examiner comment ces derniers influencent les opportunités ainsi que les restrictions à la participation. Par ailleurs, cette recherche examine les canaux conventionnels et non-conventionnels dans quatre villes italiennes et étudie les activistes issus de l’immigration comme des acteurs politiques pertinents, capables de se mobiliser et d’influencer la participation à travers leur interaction et alliances avec les acteurs de la société d’accueil. Cette recherche a permis de produire trois résultats. Le premier montre que les approches d’intégration adoptées par les acteurs sont importantes. Cette étude a identifié trois approches d’intégration: 1) « welfariste », basée sur l’idée que les immigrants sont dans le besoin et doivent donc recevoir des services; 2) interculturelle, basée sur l’idée que les immigrants sont de futurs citoyens et que l’intégration est réciproque; 3) promotion des droits politiques, basée sur l’idée que les immigrants ont des droits politiques fondamentaux ; et qui encourage l’ouverture des canaux de participation politique, surtout aux immigrants privés du droit de vote local. L’analyse empirique démontre que, alors que l’approche welfariste n’encourage pas la participation parce qu’elle conçoit les immigrants comme des acteurs passifs, les autres deux approches ont respectivement un impact sur les formes de participation civique et politique. La deuxième conclusion souligne le rôle des acteurs de gauche. En particulier, cette étude montre que les acteurs qui ouvrent de canaux pour la participation ne sont pas uniquement les acteurs de gauche modérée, comme les autorités locales, les partis politiques et les syndicats, mais aussi les groupes de gauche radicale et non-institutionnelle. Chaque acteur de gauche comprend et agit différemment par rapport aux sujets de l’immigration et de la participation et ce fait influence comment les activistes issues de l’immigration se mobilisent. La troisième conclusion met en évidence le rôle de la perception des opportunités par les activistes issus de l’immigration et la façon avec laquelle ils s’approprient les discours et les pratiques des acteurs de gauche. Ce travail démontre que l’ouverture de canaux est possible grâce à l’engagement de personnes issues de l’immigration qui agissent à travers les opportunités qui leurs sont offertes, créent des alliances avec la gauche et défient les discours et pratiques des acteurs locaux.
Resumo:
From several researchers it appears that Italian adolescents and young people are grown up with commercial television which is accused to contain too much violence, sex, reality shows, advertising, cartoons which are watched from 1 to 4 hours daily. Adolescents are also great users of mobile phones and spend a lot of time to use it. Their academic results are below the average of Ocse States. However the widespread use of communication technology and social networks display also another side of adolescents who engage in media activism and political movement such as Ammazzateci tutti!, Indymedia, Movimento 5 Stelle, Movimento No Tav. In which way does the world economic crisis -with the specific problems of Italy as the cutting founds for school, academic research and welfare, the corruption of political class, mafia and camorra organisation induce a reaction in our adolescents and young people? Several researches inform us about their use of internet in terms of spending time but, more important, how internet, and the web 2.0, could be an instrument for their reaction? What do they do online? How they do it? Which is the meaning of their presence online? And, has their online activity a continuity offline? The research aims are: 1. Trough a participant observation of Social Network profiles opened by 10 young active citizens, I would seek to understand which kind of social or political activities they engage in online as individuals and which is the meaning of their presence online. 2. To observe and understand if adolescents and young people have a continuity of their socio-political engagement online in offline activities and which kind of experiences it is. 3. Try to comprehend which was (or which were) the significant, learning experiences that convinced them about the potential of the web as tool for their activism.
Resumo:
his article addresses two aspects of Australia's soft secular government. The first aspect explains how, and asks why, judges have been inactive in helping to draw the contours of secular government in Australia. The principal reason is that much of the social regulation that provokes the interest of faith-based groups is the constitutional concern of the States, and no State Constitution claims to coordinate relations between church and state. Moreover, the electorate has twice refused to pass referenda, in 1944 and 1988, for extending a constitutional demand of secular governance to the States. However, this is not so for the Commonwealth. It falls under the restrictions of section 116 of the federal Constitution, which states: The Commonwealth shall not make any law for establishing any religion ('the establishment clause') or for imposing any religious observance, or for prohibiting the free exercise of any religion ('the free exercise clause'), and no religious test shall be required as a qualification for any office or public trust under the Commonwealth. As will be explained, while methods of legal interpretation suggest that section 116's establishment clause could place mild demands of non-discrimination on the federal Parliament, judicial inactivity in policing such demands on the Commonwealth, paradoxically, has arguably been secured by judicial activism in the High Court. A second aspect of secular government addressed is the High Court's disposal of 'the separation of church and state' as a constitutional principle in Australia. The contrast, of course, is to the United States, where for sixty years 'separation' has been given uneven recognition as a rule of constitutional law, and has undoubtedly driven the development of hard forms of secular governance in that country. The centrepiece of American secular government is the 1971 decision in Lemon v Kurtzman, where the US Supreme Court held that valid legislation had to pass three tests, ie: First, the statute must have a secular legislative purpose; second, its principal or primary effect must be one that neither advances nor inhibits religion .. . finally, the statute must not foster 'an excessive government entanglement with religion. The third 'entanglement' prong of Lemon is the modern, less ambitious, form of the 'wall of separation', prohibiting too close an engagement between church and state. As this paper will demonstrate, 'entanglement's' destiny shows how unlikely it is that 'separation' can survive as a meaningful constitutional principle in the USA. And, it will also be argued that 'separation' has even poorer prospects for import to Australia.
Resumo:
Communication technologies shape how political activist networks are produced and maintain themselves. In Cuba, despite ideologically and physically oppressive practices by the state, a severe lack of Internet access, and extensive government surveillance, a small network of bloggers and cyberactivists has achieved international visibility and recognition for its critiques of the Cuban government. This qualitative study examines the blogger collective known as Voces Cubanas in Havana, Cuba in 2012, advancing a new approach to the study of transnational activism and the role of technology in the construction of political narrative. Voces Cubanas is analyzed as a network of connections between human and non-human actors that produces and sustains powerful political alliances. Voces Cubanas and its allies work collectively to co-produce contentious political discourses, confronting the dominant ideologies and knowledges produced by the Cuban state. Transnational alliances, the act of translation, and a host of unexpected and improvised technologies play central roles in the production of these narratives, indicating new breed of cyborg sociopolitical action reliant upon fluid and flexible networks and the act of writing.
Resumo:
This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.
Resumo:
Ochnaceae s.str. (Malpighiales) are a pantropical family of about 500 species and 27 genera of almost exclusively woody plants. Infrafamilial classification and relationships have been controversial partially due to the lack of a robust phylogenetic framework. Including all genera except Indosinia and Perissocarpa and DNA sequence data for five DNA regions (ITS, matK, ndhF, rbcL, trnL-F), we provide for the first time a nearly complete molecular phylogenetic analysis of Ochnaceae s.l. resolving most of the phylogenetic backbone of the family. Based on this, we present a new classification of Ochnaceae s.l., with Medusagynoideae and Quiinoideae included as subfamilies and the former subfamilies Ochnoideae and Sauvagesioideae recognized at the rank of tribe. Our data support a monophyletic Ochneae, but Sauvagesieae in the traditional circumscription is paraphyletic because Testulea emerges as sister to the rest of Ochnoideae, and the next clade shows Luxemburgia+Philacra as sister group to the remaining Ochnoideae. To avoid paraphyly, we classify Luxemburgieae and Testuleeae as new tribes. The African genus Lophira, which has switched between subfamilies (here tribes) in past classifications, emerges as sister to all other Ochneae. Thus, endosperm-free seeds and ovules with partly to completely united integuments (resulting in an apparently single integument) are characters that unite all members of that tribe. The relationships within its largest clade, Ochnineae (former Ochneae), are poorly resolved, but former Ochninae (Brackenridgea, Ochna) are polyphyletic. Within Sauvagesieae, the genus Sauvagesia in its broad circumscription is polyphyletic as Sauvagesia serrata is sister to a clade of Adenarake, Sauvagesia spp., and three other genera. Within Quiinoideae, in contrast to former phylogenetic hypotheses, Lacunaria and Touroulia form a clade that is sister to Quiina. Bayesian ancestral state reconstructions showed that zygomorphic flowers with adaptations to buzz-pollination (poricidal anthers), a syncarpous gynoecium (a near-apocarpous gynoecium evolved independently in Quiinoideae and Ochninae), numerous ovules, septicidal capsules, and winged seeds with endosperm are the ancestral condition in Ochnoideae. Although in some lineages poricidal anthers were lost secondarily, the evolution of poricidal superstructures secured the maintenance of buzz-pollination in some of these genera, indicating a strong selective pressure on keeping that specialized pollination system.
Resumo:
Very high field (29)Si-NMR measurements using a fully (29)Si-enriched URu(2)Si(2) single crystal were carried out in order to microscopically investigate the hidden order (HO) state and adjacent magnetic phases in the high field limit. At the lowest measured temperature of 0.4 K, a clear anomaly reflecting a Fermi surface instability near 22 T inside the HO state is detected by the (29)Si shift, (29)K(c). Moreover, a strong enhancement of (29)K(c) develops near a critical field H(c) ≃ 35.6 T, and the ^{29}Si-NMR signal disappears suddenly at H(c), indicating the total suppression of the HO state. Nevertheless, a weak and shifted (29)Si-NMR signal reappears for fields higher than H(c) at 4.2 K, providing evidence for a magnetic structure within the magnetic phase caused by the Ising-type anisotropy of the uranium ordered moments.
Resumo:
This is an ecological, analytical and retrospective study comprising the 645 municipalities in the State of São Paulo, the scope of which was to determine the relationship between socioeconomic, demographic variables and the model of care in relation to infant mortality rates in the period from 1998 to 2008. The ratio of average annual change for each indicator per stratum coverage was calculated. Infant mortality was analyzed according to the model for repeated measures over time, adjusted for the following correction variables: the city's population, proportion of Family Health Programs (PSFs) deployed, proportion of Growth Acceleration Programs (PACs) deployed, per capita GDP and SPSRI (São Paulo social responsibility index). The analysis was performed by generalized linear models, considering the gamma distribution. Multiple comparisons were performed with the likelihood ratio with chi-square approximate distribution, considering a significance level of 5%. There was a decrease in infant mortality over the years (p < 0.05), with no significant difference from 2004 to 2008 (p > 0.05). The proportion of PSFs deployed (p < 0.0001) and per capita GDP (p < 0.0001) were significant in the model. The decline of infant mortality in this period was influenced by the growth of per capita GDP and PSFs.
Resumo:
The aim of this study was to assess the quality of diet among the elderly and associations with socio-demographic variables, health-related behaviors, and diseases. A population-based cross-sectional study was conducted in a representative sample of 1,509 elderly participants in a health survey in Campinas, São Paulo State, Brazil. Food quality was assessed using the Revised Diet Quality Index (DQI-R). Mean index scores were estimated and a multiple regression model was employed for the adjusted analyses. The highest diet quality scores were associated with age 80 years or older, Evangelical religion, diabetes mellitus, and physical activity, while the lowest scores were associated with home environments shared with three or more people, smoking, and consumption of soft drinks and alcoholic beverages. The findings emphasize a general need for diet quality improvements in the elderly, specifically in subgroups with unhealthy behaviors, who should be targeted with comprehensive strategies.
Resumo:
A new species of Pseudopaludicola is described from human-altered areas originally covered by Semideciduous Forest in northwestern state of São Paulo, southeastern Brazil. Morphologically, the new species differs from four species belonging to the P. pusilla group by the absence of either T-shaped terminal phalanges or toe tips expanded, and from all other congeners except P. canga and P. facureae by possessing an areolate vocal sac, with dark reticulation. The higher duration (300-700 ms) of each single, pulsed note (9-36 nonconcatenated pulses) that compose the call in the new species distinguishes it from all other 14 species of Pseudopaludicola with calls already described (10-290 ms). Absence of harmonics also differ the advertisement call of the new species from the call of its sister species P. facureae, even though these two species presented unexpected low genetic distances. Although we could not identify any single morphological character distinguishing the new species from P. facureae, a PCA and DFA performed using 12 morphometric variables evidenced significant size differences between these two species.
Resumo:
The role of orbital differentiation on the emergence of superconductivity in the Fe-based superconductors remains an open question to the scientific community. In this investigation, we employ a suitable microscopic spin probe technique, namely Electron Spin Resonance (ESR), to investigate this issue on selected chemically substituted BaFe2As2 single crystals. As the spin-density wave (SDW) phase is suppressed, we observe a clear increase of the Fe 3d bands anisotropy along with their localization at the FeAs plane. Such an increase of the planar orbital content is interestingly independent of the chemical substitution responsible for suppressing the SDW phase. As a consequence, the magnetic fluctuations in combination with this particular symmetry of the Fe 3d bands are propitious ingredients for the emergence of superconductivity in this class of materials.