La cabellera larga en la Esparta arcaica, ¿un simbolismo de masculinidad?

En el siguiente ensayo se pretende observar un simbolismo de masculinidad que los espartanos habrían concentrado en la forma de su cabello, más específicamente, en su cabellera larga. No obstante, dicho intento no está exento de problemáticas. Por un lado están las fuentes: ninguna de ellas responde al contexto temporal en el cual se habría originado tal simbolismo -los tiempos de Licurgo-, sino más bien responden a un periodo Clásico y romano, y ni siquiera espartano; en ese sentido, las principales fuentes son Jenofonte y Plutarco, aumentando el nivel de representación. Por otro lado, se encuentra el propio concepto de masculinidad: sus reales posibilidades de aplicación en una sociedad tan alejada temporalmente, como lo es la Esparta arcaica, de su tiempo de creación y discusión, vale decir, nuestro presente

La cabellera larga en la Esparta arcaica, ¿un simbolismo de masculinidad?

En el siguiente ensayo se pretende observar un simbolismo de masculinidad que los espartanos habrían concentrado en la forma de su cabello, más específicamente, en su cabellera larga. No obstante, dicho intento no está exento de problemáticas. Por un lado están las fuentes: ninguna de ellas responde al contexto temporal en el cual se habría originado tal simbolismo -los tiempos de Licurgo-, sino más bien responden a un periodo Clásico y romano, y ni siquiera espartano; en ese sentido, las principales fuentes son Jenofonte y Plutarco, aumentando el nivel de representación. Por otro lado, se encuentra el propio concepto de masculinidad: sus reales posibilidades de aplicación en una sociedad tan alejada temporalmente, como lo es la Esparta arcaica, de su tiempo de creación y discusión, vale decir, nuestro presente

La cabellera larga en la Esparta arcaica, ¿un simbolismo de masculinidad?

En el siguiente ensayo se pretende observar un simbolismo de masculinidad que los espartanos habrían concentrado en la forma de su cabello, más específicamente, en su cabellera larga. No obstante, dicho intento no está exento de problemáticas. Por un lado están las fuentes: ninguna de ellas responde al contexto temporal en el cual se habría originado tal simbolismo -los tiempos de Licurgo-, sino más bien responden a un periodo Clásico y romano, y ni siquiera espartano; en ese sentido, las principales fuentes son Jenofonte y Plutarco, aumentando el nivel de representación. Por otro lado, se encuentra el propio concepto de masculinidad: sus reales posibilidades de aplicación en una sociedad tan alejada temporalmente, como lo es la Esparta arcaica, de su tiempo de creación y discusión, vale decir, nuestro presente

The institutions of archaic post-modernity and their organizational and managerial consequences: The case of Portugal

The long march of modernization of the Western societies tends to be presented as following a regular sequence: societies and institutions were pre-modern, and then they were modernized, eventually becoming post-modern. Such teleology may provide an incomplete or distorted narrative of societal evolution in many parts of the world, even in the ‘post-modern heartland’ of Western Europe, with Portugal being a case in point. The concept of archaic post-modernity has been developed by a philosopher, José Gil, to show how Portuguese institutions and organizations combine elements of pre-modernity and post-modernity. The notion of an archaic post-modernity is advanced in order to provide an alternative account of the modernization process, which enriches discussion of the varieties of capitalism. Differences in historical experiences create singularities that may be considered in the analysis of culture, management and organization.

The ϝhεδιέστας inscription from archaic Argos (SEG 11:314): a reconsideration

This article offers a re-edition of SEG 11:314, Argos inventory number E274, based on re-examination of the stone and of recently rediscovered squeezes preserving material now lost from the stone; these allow improved readings in numerous places. We also offer a reinterpretation of the disputed syntax of the last three lines, which we translate ‘As for the things with which a δαμιοργóς is to compel (him to make amends), the ἀμφίπολος is to give thought to these things’.

Sparta and the English Republic

In 1659-60, James Harrington and Henry Stubbe, two republican authors, engaged in a bad-tempered pamphlet debate about the constitution of classical Sparta. This took place in the context of political collapse after the fall of the Cromwellian Protectorate, as republicans desperately attempted to devise safeguards which could prevent the return of monarchy. Questions of constitutional form were not always at the forefront of 1650s English republicanism, but Harrington’s ideal constitution of ‘Oceana’ brought these questions to the fore in 1659’s discussions. Sparta formed a key plank of the ‘ancient prudence’ which supported Harrington’s theory, and like Stubbe he drew on Nicolaus Cragius’ De Republica Lacedaemoniorum (1593) for evidence, and was attracted to some of the more apparently ‘aristocratic’ elements of the Spartan constitution. However, classical texts and modern scholarly authority, such as Cragius’, were not the only ingredients in the English version of the ‘classical republican’ tradition; sixteenth- and seventeenth-century political thinkers and current exigencies also shaped Harrington and Stubbe’s arguments. Both Harrington and Stubbe ended up challenging the scholarly and ancient consensus that Sparta was an aristocracy or mixed polity, Harrington reinterpreting it to assimilate it to ‘democracy’, and Stubbe attempting to rehabilitate a model of benign ‘oligarchy’.

Rasse, Leistung und Schicksal in Sparta : die spartanische Geschichte: Ein Sieg des Stammesbewußtseins über den Willen zur Volksgemeinschaft

Hermann Funke

Dentition of Proteopithecus sylviae, an archaic anthropoid from the Fayum, Egypt

Proteopithecus sylviae is an archaic anthropoid from the late Eocene quarry L-41, Fayum Province, Egypt. The dentition of Proteopithecus is very primitive and does not closely resemble that of other, better known, primates from the Fayum (e.g., parapithecids and propliopithecids). The dental morphology, much of which is described herein, shows a platyrrhine-like level of organization, suggesting that P. sylviae may occupy a position near the base of the modern anthropoid radiation.

A molecular analysis of dietary diversity for three archaic Native Americans

DNA was extracted from three fecal samples, more than 2,000 years old, from Hinds Cave, Texas. Amplification of human mtDNA sequences showed their affiliation with contemporary Native Americans, while sequences from pronghorn antelope, bighorn sheep, and cottontail rabbit allowed these animals to be identified as part of the diet of these individuals. Furthermore, amplification of chloroplast DNA sequences identified eight different plants as dietary elements. These archaic humans consumed 2–4 different animal species and 4–8 different plant species during a short time period. The success rate for retrieval of DNA from paleofeces is in strong contrast to that from skeletal remains where the success rate is generally low. Thus, human paleofecal remains represent a source of ancient DNA that significantly complements and may in some cases be superior to that from skeletal tissue.

Greek painting; the development of pictorial representation from archaic to Graeco-Roman times.

Introduction signed: Gisela M.A. Richter.