979 resultados para Spanish-Portuguese border


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Following the death of engineer General Jorge Próspero de Verboom in 1744 and after a few years of transition in the management of Spanish fortifications, Juan Martín Zermeño took on the role, initially with a temporary mandate, but then definitively during a second period that ran from 1766 until his death in 1772. He began this second period with a certain amount of concern because of what had taken place during the last period of conflict. The Seven Years War (1756–1763) which had brought Spain into conflict with Portugal and England in the Caribbean had also lead to conflict episodes along the Spanish–Portuguese border. Zermeño’s efforts as a planner and general engineer gave priority to the northern part of the Spanish–Portuguese border. After studying the territory and the existing fortifications on both sides of the border, Zermeño drew up three important projects in 1766. The outposts that needed to be reinforced were located, from north to south, at Puebla de Sanabria, Zamora and Ciudad Rodrigo, which is where he is believed to have come from. This latter township already had a modern installation built immediately after the war of the Spanish Succession and reinforced with the Fort of La Concepción. However, Zamora and Puebla de Sanabria had some obsolete fortifications that needed modernising. Since the middle of the 15th century Puebla de Sanabria had had a modern castle with rounded turrets, that of the counts of benavente. During the 16th and 17th centuries it had also been equipped with a walled enclosure with small bastions. During the war of the Spanish Succession the Portuguese had enlarged the enclosure and had erected a tentative offshoot to the west. In order to draw up the ambitious Puebla de Sanabria project Zermeño had the aid of some previous reports and projects, such as those by the count of robelin in 1722, the one by Antonio de Gaver in 1752, and Pedro Moreau’s report dated June 1755. This study includes a technical analysis of Zermeño’s project and its strategic position within the system of fortifications along the Spanish–Portuguese border.

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This chapter has two goals: (a) to discuss the Spanish-Portuguese interface in current formal language acquisition research and (b) to highlight the contributions of this language pairing in the emerging field of formal third language acquisition. The authors discuss two L3 acquisition studies (Montrul, Dias, & Santos, 2011; Giancaspro, Halloran, & Iverson, in press) examining Differential Object Marking, a morphological case marker present in Spanish but not in Portuguese, arguing that the results show how data from Spanish-English bilinguals learning Brazilian Portuguese as an L3 illuminate the deterministic role of structural and typological similarity in linguistic transfer. The data provide supportive evidence for only one of three existing L3 transfer models: the Typological Proximity Model (Rothman, 2010, 2011, 2013).

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In this article, along with others, we take the position that the Null-Subject Parameter (NSP) (Chomsky 1981; Rizzi 1982) cluster of properties is narrower in scope than some originally contended. We test for the resetting of the NSP by English L2 learners of Spanish at the intermediate level, including poverty-of-the stimulus knowledge of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (Montalbetti 1984). Our participants are tested before and after five months' residency in Spain in an effort to see if increased amounts of native exposure are particularly beneficial for parameter resetting. Although we demonstrate NSP resetting for some of the L2 learners, our data essentially demonstrate that even with the advent of time/exposure to native input, there is no immediate gainful effect for NSP resetting.

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Multimodality – the interdependence of semiotic resources in text – is an existential element of today’s media. The term multimodality attends systematically to the social interpretation of a wide range of communicational forms used in meaning making. A primary focus of social- semiotic multimodal analysis is on mapping how modal resources are used by people in a given social context. In November 2012 the “Ola ke ase” catchphrase, which is a play on “Hola ¿qué hace?”, appeared for the first time in Spain and immediately has been adopted as a Twitter hashtag and an image macro series. Its viral spread on social networks has been tremendous, being a trending topic in various Spanish-speaking countries. The objective of analysis is how language and image work together in the “Ola ke ase” meme. The interplay between text and image in one of the original memes and some of its variations is quantitatively analysed applying a social-semiotic approach. Results demonstrate how the “Ola ke ase” meme functions through its multimodal character and the non-standard orthography. The spread of uncountable variations of the meme shows the social process that goes on in the meaning making of the semiotic elements.

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Internet has affected our lives and society in manifold ways, and partly, in fundamental ways. Therefore, it is no surprise that one of the affected areas is language and communication itself. Over the last few years, online social networks have become a widespread and continuously expanding medium of communication. Being a new medium of social interaction, online social networks produce their own communication style, which in many cases differs considerably from real speech and is also perceived differently. The focus of analysis of my PhD thesis is how social network users from the city of Malaga create this virtual style by means of phonic features typical of the Andalusian variety of Spanish and how the users’ language attitude has an influence on the use of these phonic features. The data collection was fourfold: 1) a main corpus was compiled from 240 informants’ utterances on Facebook and Tuenti; 2) a corpus constituted of broad transcriptions of recordings with 120 people from Malaga served as a comparison; 3) a survey in which 240 participants rated the use of said phonetic variants on the following axes: “good–bad”, “correct–incorrect” and “beautiful–ugly” was carried out; 4) a survey with 240 participants who estimated with which frequency the analysed features are used in Malaga was conducted. For the analysis, which is quantitative and qualitative, ten variables were chosen. Results show that the studied variants are employed differently in virtual and real speech depending on how people perceive these variants. In addition, the use of the features is constrained by social factors. In general, people from Malaga have a more positive attitude towards non-­‐standard features if they are used in virtual speech than in real speech. Thus, virtual communication is seen as a style serving to create social meaning and to express linguistic identity. These stylistic practices reflect an amalgam of social presuppositions about usage conventions and individual strategies for handling a new medium. In sum, the virtual style is an initiative deliberately taken by the users, to create their, real and virtual, identities, and to define their language attitudes towards the features of their variety of speech.

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The Spanish spoken in the city of Malaga, as Andalusian Spanish in general, was in the past often times considered an incorrect, low prestige variety of Spanish which was strongly associated with the poor, rural, backward South of Spain. This southern Spanish variety is easily recognised because of its innovative phonetic features that diverge from the national standard, even though in the past years in the case of some features a convergence to the standard could be observed. Despite its low prestige the local variety of Spanish is quite often used on social network sites, where it is considered as urban, fashion and cool. Thus, this paper aims at analysing whether the Spanish used in the city of Malaga is undergoing an attitude change. The study draws on naturally occurring speech, data extracted from Facebook and a series of questionnaires about the salience, attitude and perception of the local variety of Spanish. The influence of the social factors age and gender is analysed, since they are both known to play a crucial role in many instances of language change. The first is of special interest, as during the Franco dictatorship dialect use was not accepted in schools and in the media. Results show that, on the one hand, people from Malaga hold a more positive attitude towards non-standard features used on social network sites than in spoken language. On the other hand, young female users employ most non-standard features online and unsurprisingly have an extremely positive attitude towards this use. However, in spoken Spanish the use and attitude of some features is led by men and speakers educated during the Franco dictatorship, while other features, such as elision of intervocalic /d/, elision of final /ɾ/, /l/ and /d/ and ceceo, are predominantly employed by and younger speakers and women. These features are considered as salient in the local variety and work as local identity markers.