828 resultados para Spanish Transition to Democracy


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The issue of conditionality and how the EU should seek to influence positive transformations in its periphery is as relevant today as it was in the early 1990s. There are some important lessons that can still be learned from the Spanish transition to democracy in this respect. By combining strict conditionality with its ‘normative power’, the European Community managed to shape—if not make—the Spanish transition to democracy. The consensus surrounding European integration worked as a unifying factor amongst all of the elite groups by giving them a common goal. This broad consensus ensured that no elite group could act in the sort of irresponsible way that could jeopardise the democratisation process and, by inference, the integration of Spain with the Community. At the same time, the EC worked as a sort of moderating force. Neither of these positive effects would have occurred had the EC not used its leverage potential and remained firmed in its stance of conditioning accession to Spain taking clear steps towards democratisation.

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This dissertation analyzes the (ab)use of politics and eroticism within the framework of the Transition to democracy in Spain, its social and cultural impact—on literature, film, music, and popular media—, and its consequences. After a period of nearly four decades, when the country was subjected to a totalitarian regime, Spanish society underwent a process of democratic restoration. As a result, the two topics considered taboo during almost forty years of repression—i.e., politics and sexuality/eroticism—, gushed out fiercely. Every aspect of culture was influenced by and intrinsically linked to them. However, while we have been offered a more or less global approach to the Transition—the Transition as a whole—, and some studies have focused on diverse areas, no research to date has covered in depth the significance of those issues during that historical moment. Considering the facts stated above, it was imperative to conduct a more detailed analysis of the influence of both eroticism and politics on the cultural production of the Transition from different perspectives. Although the academic intelligentsia has often rejected them as expressions of mass culture, we must consider Pierre Bourdieu’s theories—in line with the tradition of classical sociology, that includes science, law, and religion, together with artistic activities—, Michel Foucault’s ideas on sexuality, and New Historicism, examining texts and their contexts. This work concludes that the (ab)use of both subjects during the Spanish Transition was a reaction to a repressive condition. It led to extremes, to societal transgression and, in most cases, to the objectification of women because of the impositions of a patriarchal society. It was, however, part of a learning and, in a sense, cathartic process that led, eventually, to the reestablishment of the status quo, to a more equitable and multicultural society where men, women, and any political or sexual tendencies are respected—at least, in theory.

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Dans les années 1930, les femmes membres du Parti communiste espagnol (PCE) collaborent avec des représentantes du féminisme et réclament une égalité pour les femmes sans pour autant se déclarer féministes. Pendant la guerre civile, elles ne remettent pas en question l’attribution de tâches maternelles aux femmes, mais elles revendiquent une participation politique dans les mêmes conditions que les hommes. Au cours des années 1970 cependant, la culture politique communiste traditionnelle, qui repose sur une relation de genre inégale, est remplacée par une nouvelle culture, dans laquelle socialisme et égalité vont de pair. Pendant la transition démocratique, les militantes se considèrent comme féministes et demandent que les fondements théoriques du féminisme soient assumés par le Parti.

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Cuadernos para el Diálogo (1963-1978) played a key-role in nurturing the intellectual soil for the Spanish Transition to democracy and it has spawned an extensive amount of literature among historians. This work links for the first time the course of this emblematic monthly journal with the short-lived period of methodological and historiographical innovation of Revista Española de Derecho Internacional under the direction of the international jurist Mariano Aguilar Navarro.

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En la presente monografía se propondrá responder a la pregunta ¿De qué manera los discursos políticos de los líderes de la Transición española, Adolfo Suárez, Felipe González, Manuel Fraga y Santiago Carrillo, jugaron un papel en la construcción democrática durante las coyunturas políticas vividas entre los años 1976 y 1982 en España? Ante esto, se planea responder que los discursos políticos de los líderes de la Transición española jugaron un papel en la construcción democrática mediante la elaboración de consensos sociales alrededor de los valores democráticos y la construcción de disensos sociales en torno a las ideologías partidarias, que fluctuaron en intensidad según el Modelo de Contexto elaborado a partir de la coyuntura política respectiva.

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La Transición española a la democracia ha sido objeto de uno de los más sólidos relatos construidos por el periodismo y refrendado por la sociedad civil. En su corazón tiene lugar un momento de violencia que se concentra en la llamada semana negra de enero de 1977, cuyo clímax está representado por la matanza de Atocha. El presente artículo analiza las distintas etapas de cristalización de ese relato: un capítulo de La Transición (Elías Andrés, Victoria Prego, 1995), Siete días de enero (J.A. Bardem, 1978), un reportaje de Interviú (febrero de 1977) y las crónicas periodísticas de El País, Diario16 y Mundo Obrero. Especial atención se presta a la figura de Santiago Carrillo, identificado con la estrategia del PCE, cuya consideración cambió radicalmente durante esa semana.

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The Spanish transition, the political process through which Spain ceased to be a dictatorship to become a democracy, was accompanied by the dissolution of the National Movement, the institutional support for the chain of the Movement Press from its beginnings, in April 1977. This fact, among others, contributed to the /Sur/, the regional reference newspaper for the chain in Andalusia, evolving both structurally and ideologically to adapt itself to the new political regime. This study applies content analysis to editorials, articles and columns published by the newspaper between 1975 and 1978, exploring the process through which the regional newspaper edited in Málaga abandoned its propaganda function with regard to the Government, considering it undemocratic, and supported the PSOE, presenting it as the best alternative to the UCD in the Spanish Executive, thus taking on its role as a political agent.

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From 1974 to 1986 the Iberian Peninsula was the arena of major political changes. The process then undertaken was characterized by the transition from two Iberian authoritarian regimes to two democracies, which enabled both countries to join the European Economic Community (EEC) on 1 January 1986. However, the political vicissitudes until full membership of what became the European Union (EU) was achieved were very different and were decisively, although not exclusively, influenced by the fact Portugal was a republic and Spain a monarchy. In Portugal the 1974 revolution took place with consequent shift of the head of state while in Spain the engine of change was precisely the head of state: King Juan Carlos I. It is also true that despite the dangers to democracy (terrorism in Spain and some radicalism in Portugal) both societies supported the political parties committed to the democratic process in elections, which helped avoid tensions that could have defeated the process. Likewise, it is possible to argue that in Spain a plan to achieve democracy within the rule of law (an archetypal transition) was designed by the head of state, while in Portugal there was no pre-established plan – the programme of the Armed Forces Movement (Movimento das Forças Armadas [MFA]) was a weak and precarious compromise between different visions of the road to follow, enabling an intense political struggle that almost led to civil war and a dangerous state of crisis.

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The Premio Cervantes, one of the most prestigious prizes awarded for literature in the Spanish language, was established in 1976 as Spain negotiated the Transition to democracy in the post-Franco era. This article examines the context in which the prize was created and subsequently used to negotiate inter-continental relations between Spain and Latin America. The article highlights the exchanges of economic, political and symbolic capital which took place between the Spanish State, its representative, the King of Spain, and winning Latin American authors. Significantly, the involvement of the Spanish State is shown to bring political capital into play in a way that commercial prizes do not. In so doing, the Premio Cervantes gives those formerly at the colonial periphery the opportunity to speak out and negotiate the terms of a new kind of relationship with the former colonial center.

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This thesis is an analysis of Spain’s development from dictatorship to democracy in light of the trauma that it endured during the Spanish Civil War of 1936 – 1939 and the dictatorship of Francisco Franco, which lasted until 1975. Drawing from the work of Maurice Halbwachs and Pierre Nora, this thesis seeks to use the concepts of collective memory and lieux de mémoire to analyze what role memory has played in Spanish society from 1939 to the present day. Theanalysis begins with an overview of the Spanish Civil War and Franco’s ensuing dictatorship in order to establish an understanding of the trauma endured by Spain and its people. Of importance will be the manner in which the presentation of history became manipulated anddistorted under Franco as the dictator sought to control the country’s collective memory. With this background in mind, the thesis then turns to analyze how the memory of Spain’s past has affected the country’s development in two eras: during its transition to democracy in the 1970s and in the present day. Of central importance is the pact of silence that was established during the transition to democracy, which was a tacit agreement among the Spanish people to notdiscuss the past. This pact of silence still clouds Spain’s memory today and affects modern discourse concerning the past. Yet it is clear that Spain has not been reconciled to its past, as the provocation of history inevitably results in tension and controversy. The central contention of this thesis is that the pact of silence that surrounds Spain’s past has not eliminated the trauma of the Civil War and dictatorship, as demonstrated by the controversy stirred up by people, groups and places in the present day. This contention has repercussions for the study of history as a whole, as it indicates that the past cannot be muted in order to achievereconciliation; rather, it suggests that we must engage the past in order to be reconciled to it.

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The growing interest in achieving the objectives of cycling policies has increased the need to know the key variables that influence the use of the bicycle for daily mobility. This paper makes a contribution in this research line by examining a varying nature of variables – objective and psychological - and their influence on cycling commuting in the context of a “climber cycling city”: Vitoria-Gasteiz (Spain). Statistical differences of the variables were determined between cycling commuters and commuters by other modes. The objective variables analyzed allowed us to identify the cycling commuting profile in Vitoria-Gasteiz, but showed a small effect on cycling commuting. However, analyses on seven cycling psychological variables identified and defined, showed a higher influence, especially “Individual capacities” and “Non-commuting cycling habit”. Their results allowed recommending a wide et of policy initiatives. These policy recommendations were made considering that Vitoria-Gasteiz is a “city in transitiontowards cycling: a high level of cycling share for the Spanish contex t and the safety issue not being the main barrier for cycling. However the psychological latent variable “Non-commuting cycling habit” indicates that normalization of the bicycle as a mode of transport needs more progress.

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Knowledge of the experience of parenthood is usually from a woman’s perspective. The resulting outcome is that knowledge about the experience of fatherhood has been limited. Fathers are starting to change this situation by sharing their experience as is evidenced by the overall response of 267 fathers to this study. This paper focuses on the exploration of 22 men’s feelings and beliefs about fatherhood; and their expectations and views about parenting. The paper will also investigate how fathers’ antenatal expectations matched the reality of early family life including emotional well-being, attitudes to parenting, adjustment to family life and sources of support. The quantitative and qualitative data of the 22 fathers who responded to both the antenatal and postnatal questionnaires used within this paper are drawn from a larger Queensland survey of women and men during the antenatal and postnatal period.

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This thesis examines the approaches taken by early years teachers in supporting the inclusive school transition of diverse learners. A Thesis by Publication format has been employed, where instead of traditional thesis chapters, scholarly journal articles are presented in an ordered sequence in two sections. The first set of journal articles establishes a synthesis of approaches to diversity and inclusion and to transition to school, in order to set a clear theoretical position arising from the literature. The second set of journal articles reports empirical evidence from three school sites on diversity, inclusion and transition to school, discussed in relation to both the first set of papers and to additional literature. The relationship between these articles, and the methodology used for the theoretical papers, is outlined in linking summaries of the challenges the papers seek to address.

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Statistics presented in Australia Council reports such as Don’t Give Up Your Day Job (2003), and Artswork: A Report On Australians Working in the Arts 1 and 2 (1997, 2005), and in other studies on destinations for Performing Arts graduates, demonstrate the diversity of post-graduation pathways for our students, the prevalence of protean careers, and the challenges in developing a sense of professional identity in a context where a portfolio of work across performance making, producing, administration and teaching can make it difficult for young artists to establish career status and capital in conventional terms (cf. Dawn Bennett, “Academy and the Real World: Developing Realistic Notions of Career in the Performing Arts”, Arts & Humanities in Higher Education, 8.3, 2009). In this panel, academics from around Australia will consider the ways in which Drama, Theatre and Performance Studies as a discipline is deploying a variety of practical, professional and work-integrated teaching and learning activities – including performance-making projects, industry projects, industry placements and student-initiated projects – to connect students with the networks, industries and professional pathways that will support their progression into their career. The panellists include Bree Hadley (Queensland University of Technology), Meredith Rogers (La Trobe University), Janys Hayes (Woolongong University) and Teresa Izzard (Curtin University). The panelists will present insights into the activities they have found successful, and address a range of questions, including: How do we introduce students to performance-making and / or producing models they will be able to employ in their future practice, particularly in light of the increasingly limited funds, time and resources available to support students’ participation in full-scale productions under the stewardship of professional artists?; How and when do we introduce students to industry networks?; How do we cater for graduates who will work as performers, writers, directors or administrators in the non-subsidised sector, the subsidised sector, community arts and education?; How do we category cater for graduates who will go on to pursue their work in a practice-as-research context in a Higher Degree?; How do we assist graduates in developing a professional identity? How do we assist graduates in developing physical, professional and personal resilience?; How do we retain our connections with graduates as part of their life-long learning?; Do practices and processes need to differ for city or regionally based / theoretically or practically based degree programs?; How do our teaching and learning activities align with emergent policy and industrial frameworks such as the shift to the “Producer Model” in Performing Arts funding, or the new mentorship, project, production and enterprise development opportunities under the Australia Council for the Arts’ new Opportunities for Young and Emerging Artists policy framework?