Select passages from the diary and letters of the late John Blackader... Written chiefly during the most interesting scenes and engagements of the war in Flanders and Germany, conducted by John, Duke of Malborough... To which is prefixed, an account of the life and parentage of the writer.

Mode of access: Internet.

Life of John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough,

Mode of access: Internet.

The letters and dispatches of John Churchill, First Duke of Marlborough, from 1702-1712. /

Mode of access: Internet.

Mémoires militaires relatifs à la succession d'Espange sous Louis XIV : extraits de la correspondance de la cour et des généraux /

Vols. 7-8 have imprint: Paris, Imprimerie nationale; v.9-11 Paris, Imprimerie impériale.

La diplomatie française et la succession d'Espagne.

v. 1. Le premier traité de partage (1659-1697)--v. 2. Le deuxième traité de partage (1697-1699)--v. 3. Le troisième traité de partage (1699-1700)--v. 4. Le crise (1700-1702)--v. 5. La guerre (1701-1710)--v. 6. La paix (1710-1725)

La diplomatie française et la succession d'Espagne ...

Cover-titles have imprint: Paris, Librarie Cotillon, F. Pichon, successeur ... whose label also covers imprint of v. 1.

Mémoires militaires relatifs à la succession d'Espagne sous Louis XIV, extraits de la correspondance de la cour et des généraux par le lieutenant général de Vault ...

Atlas issued in eight parts (pt. [1-6] each with separate t.-p.) 1836-[62]

Noves llums sobre la Guerra de Successió [Ressenya del llibre Els catalans i Felip V: De la conspiració a la revolta, 1700-1705, de Joaquim Albareda i Salvadó]

Historiografia de la guerra catalana de Successió. El llibre que ressenya va obtenir el IV Premi Internacional Jaume Vicens Vives de Ciències Socials

La duchesse de Bourgogne et l'alliance savoyarde sous Louis XIV,

I. La réconciliation avec la Savoie et le mariage de la duchesse de Bourgogne. 2. éd.--II. Les années heureuses et la rupture de l'alliance.--III. Le duc de Bourgogne à l'armée; les années d'épreuves.--IV. L'avant-règne et la mort. Épilogue de l'alliance savoyarde. Table analytique.

La guerre d'Italie, ou Memoires du Comte D*** Contenant quantité de choses particuliéres & sécrétes, qui se sont passées dans les cours d'Allemagne, de France, d'Espagne, de Savoie & d'Italie.

Fictitious imprint; printed at the Hague. cf. Weller. Die falschen und fingirten Druckorte, v. 2, p. 77.

War of Austrian Succession, Genoa Region, Italy, 1747 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Carte géometrique de la ville et des environs de Gene : ou on voit l'expedition des Imperiaux et Piemontois contre le Genois et leurs alliez avec les differents postes, retranchements, attaques, déffenses, et mouvements de deux parties, le tout deßine sur le lieux, et de la maniere la plus exacte dans l'année 1747. It was published in 1747. Scale [ca. 1:38,980]. Covers the Genoa region, Italy. Map in French.The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the 'European Datum 1950 UTM Zone 32N' coordinate system. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map.This map shows features such as towns and villages, roads, drainage, built-up areas and selected buildings, fortification and defenses, places of military interest related to the War of Austrian Succession 1740-1748, ground cover, and more. Relief shown by hachures. Includes index.This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from The Harvard Map Collection as part of the Imaging the Urban Environment project. Maps selected for this project represent major urban areas and cities of the world, at various time periods. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features at a large scale. The selection represents a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.

Cold War Politics in Britain and the Contested Legacy of the Spanish Civil War

This article offers a sustained examination of how the vicissitudes of the Cold War shaped changing interpretations of the Spanish Civil War in Britain. Considering the perspectives of participants and historians, it focuses on the diverse strands of the Left that frequently drew on the civil war to attack each other and to make wider arguments about the global Cold War. First, with the aim of criticizing Communist take-overs in Eastern Europe in the late 1940s, the article analyzes retrospective assaults on Communist party tactics and Soviet foreign policy in Spain. Second, in order to argue that the Soviet Union took a counter-revolutionary line after 1956, it investigates the re-emergence of debates over the Spanish revolution. Third, to express disapproval of the United States, it examines the increasing use of the civil war as an analogy in Cold War international affairs from the 1960s. Fourth, in support of non-Soviet Left-of-Centre collaboration, most notably Eurocommunism in the 1970s and opposition to Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government in the 1980s, it considers the renewed emphasis on the popular front. The trajectories of these debates reveal that, over time, the weight of the Left’s criticism moved from the Soviet Union towards the United States.

Reinventing America on the battlefields of Spain or following the party line: conflicting perceptions of the Spanish Civil War in the present and in the past

Isolationism and neutrality are two of the recurrent themes in the study of the history of the U.S. foreign policy in the interwar years. The trauma of the Great War, which had swept away 130.000 U.S. lives and had cost $30 billion, had led public opinion to strongly oppose any involvement with European affairs. Besides, the urgent need for economic recovery during the dismal years of the Great Depression did not leave Roosevelt much room for manoeuvre to influence international events. His positions regarding the intentions of the Fascist states remained, at best, ambivalent. These facts notwithstanding, about 2800 U.S. citizens crossed the Atlantic and rushed in to help democratic Spain, which was on the verge of becoming one more hostage in the hands of the Fascism. They joined the other British, Irish and Canadian volunteers and formed the XV International Brigade. 900 Americans never returned home. This alone should challenge the commonly held assumption that the American people were indifferent to the rise of the Fascist threat in Europe. But it also begs other questions. Considering the prevailing isolationist mood, what really motivated them? With what discursive elements did these men construct their anti Fascist representations? How far did their understanding of the Spanish democracy correspond to their own American democratic ideal? In what way did their war experience across the Atlantic mould their perception of U.S. politics (both domestic and foreign)? How far did the Spanish Civil War constitute one first step towards the realization that the U.S. might actually be drawn into another international conflict of unpredictable consequences? Last but not the least, what ideological, political and cultural complicity existed between the men from the English-speaking battalions? In order to unearth some of the answers, I intend to examine their letters and see how these men recorded the historical events in which they took part. Their correspondence emerged from the desire to prove their commitment to a common cause and spoke of a common war experience, but each letter, in its uniqueness, ends up mirroring not only the social and political background of each individual fighter, but also his own particular perspective of the war, of world politics and of the Spanish people. We shall see how these letters differ and converge and how these particular accounts weave, as in an epistolary novel, a larger-than-life narrative of outrage and solidarity, despair and hope.

The Falkland Islands War of 1982: a legal, diplomatic and strategic evaluation

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.