A importância do microcrédito para os empreendedores: um estudo com os grupos solidários de Fortaleza /CE

This study aims to understand the changes in the improvement of economic and social conditions of small entrepreneurs who participate in solidarity groups linked to the Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) "X" in Fortaleza city, Ceará, through the use of productive-guided microcredit. It is come a research in exploratory and descriptive nature, with a quantitative and qualitative approach. Data were collected from the small entrepreneurs by applying a questionnaire, as well as through structured interviews with group leaders. They were worked on issues relating to income generation, employment generation, housing and health conditions, dietary pattern and leisure activities of small entrepreneurs and their families before and after the union to solidarity groups and use of productive-guided microcredit. The research showed that the use of microcredit has interfered with social and economic life of these small entrepreneurs, generating positive effects

A relação entre o microcrédito e o capital social : o caso do CEAPE PI

This study consists of a study on the presence of relationship between social capital and solidarity groups to endorse the Center for Support to Small Businesses - CEAPE - PI, the capital was measured by confidence levels and associations, considering trust as the expectations want, and learned associations between people and how the interactions among members within a group and between groups. The central research question seeks to identify whether there are linkages between the levels of social capital and the profile of members of the solidarity group CEAPE-PI. The overall objective is to analyze the level of social capital and whether these vary with the change in the profile of the solidarity group members. The method adopted in perspective cross-examined the level of social capital found in 300 of solidarity group members, collected through a survey research related to the profile of the solidarity group members, obtained with the CEAPEPI. The data show that micro-credit groups have relatively high levels for most variables, but to relate to the profile of microcredit results demonstrate the interesting points of analysis

A importância do microcrédito para os empreendedores: um estudo com os grupos solidários de Fortaleza /CE

This study aims to understand the changes in the improvement of economic and social conditions of small entrepreneurs who participate in solidarity groups linked to the Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) "X" in Fortaleza city, Ceará, through the use of productive-guided microcredit. It is come a research in exploratory and descriptive nature, with a quantitative and qualitative approach. Data were collected from the small entrepreneurs by applying a questionnaire, as well as through structured interviews with group leaders. They were worked on issues relating to income generation, employment generation, housing and health conditions, dietary pattern and leisure activities of small entrepreneurs and their families before and after the union to solidarity groups and use of productive-guided microcredit. The research showed that the use of microcredit has interfered with social and economic life of these small entrepreneurs, generating positive effects

A importância do microcrédito para os empreendedores: um estudo com os grupos solidários de Fortaleza /CE

This study aims to understand the changes in the improvement of economic and social conditions of small entrepreneurs who participate in solidarity groups linked to the Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) "X" in Fortaleza city, Ceará, through the use of productive-guided microcredit. It is come a research in exploratory and descriptive nature, with a quantitative and qualitative approach. Data were collected from the small entrepreneurs by applying a questionnaire, as well as through structured interviews with group leaders. They were worked on issues relating to income generation, employment generation, housing and health conditions, dietary pattern and leisure activities of small entrepreneurs and their families before and after the union to solidarity groups and use of productive-guided microcredit. The research showed that the use of microcredit has interfered with social and economic life of these small entrepreneurs, generating positive effects

Credit application systems for investments in agriculture and livestock in rural areas in Latin America

La falta de recursos para mejorar los insumos y herramientas es causa fundamental de la falta de seguridad alimentaria, según las familias y organizaciones entrevistadas en las Comunidades Marginadas y Aisladas (CMA) en América Latina. Las familias que viven en este tipo de comunidades acceden a los insumos adecuados bien a través de la donación, o a través del crédito. La condición de marginación y aislamiento invita a optar por el crédito, al volverse imprescindible el contar con intervenciones sostenibles por la poca atención que este tipo de comunidades recibe de las autoridades públicas y la cooperación al desarrollo. De entre las metodologías para acceder a los créditos en las CMA destacan las líneas de crédito, los Programas de Grupos Solidarios (PGSs), o las Estructuras Financieras Locales (EFLs) o bancos comunales. Tras el análisis realizado en este artículo, se concluye que las EFLs o bancos comunales son la metodología capaz de arrojar mejores resultados.

Outside in-group and out-group identities? Constructing male solidarity and female exclusion in UK builders’ talk

This article examines the spoken interactions of a group of British construction workers to discover whether it is possible to identify a distinctive ‘builders’ discourse’. Given that builders work for a mostly all-male profession (Curjao, 2006), we ask whether the ways in which male builders converse with each other while ‘on the job’ can be held in any way responsible for the under-representation of women within this major occupational sector in the UK. This article reports on a case study of the conversations of three white, working-class, male builders, which took place while travelling in a truck between different building sites. This forms part of a larger ethnographic study of builders’ discourse in different work locations. The analysis shows that male builders are highly collaborative in constructing narratives of in-group and out-group identities (Duszak, 2002; Tajfel, 1978). Various other male groups are demonized in these conversations: Polish immigrant builders, rude clients and rival builders. However, there is almost no reference to women. The article concludes that women are viewed as so unthreatening to male ascendancy in the building industry that they do not even feature within the ‘out-group’.

Solidarity and power in German : language as political action : a contribution to the socio-cultural history of the German language

Germany's latest attempt at unification raises again the question of German nationhood and nationality. The present study examines the links between the development of the German language and the political history of Germany, principally in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. By examining the role of language in the establishment and exercise of political power and in the creation of national and group solidarity in Germany, the study both provides insights into the nature of language as political action and contributes to the socio-cultural history of the German language. The language-theoretical hypothesis on which the study is based sees language as a central factor in political action, and opposes the notion that language is a reflection of underlying political 'realities' which exist independently of language. Language is viewed as language-in-text which performs identifiable functions. Following Leech, five functions are distinguished, two of which (the regulative and the phatic) are regarded as central to political processes. The phatic function is tested against the role of the German language as a creator and symbol of national identity, with particular attention being paid to concepts of the 'purity' of the language. The regulative function (under which a persuasive function is also subsumed) is illustrated using the examples of German fascist discourse and selected cases from German history post-1945. In addition, the interactions are examined between language change and socio-economic change by postulating that language change is both a condition and consequence of socio-economic change, in that socio-economic change both requires and conditions changes in the communicative environment. Finally, three politocolinguistic case studies from the eight and ninth decades of the twentieth century are introduced in order to demonstrate specific ways in which language has been deployed in an attempt to create political realities, thus verifying the initial hypothesis of the centrality of language to the political process.

Introduction to Women Against Fundamentalism: Stories of Dissent and Solidarity

Th is book celebrates – while also acknowledging the huge challenges it faces – a particular kind of feminism, one that has been concerned with challenging both fundamentalism and racism. It consists of the autobiographical political narratives of feminist activists of diff erent ethnic and religious backgrounds who have been members of Women Against Fundamentalism (WAF), a feminist anti-racist and antifundamentalist organisation that was established in London in 1989, at the heart of the Salman Rushdie aff air. Political narratives have been described as ‘stories people tell about how the world works’, the ways in which they explain the engines of political change, and as refl ections on the role people see themselves and their group playing in their ongoing struggles.1 And the contributors to this book off er just such narratives – they talk about the trajectories of their lives, and how they see themselves and the groups to which they belong in relation to the wider political struggles in which they have been involved. WAF women have shared solidarity and trust, based on common political values, but, as can be seen from the chapters of this book, their perspectives – as well as their personal/ political histories – have also diff ered.2 Th is variety of voices is signifi - cant not only for these women as individuals but also for WAF as a political organisation. In this introduction we highlight what we as editors perceive to be the most important issues for WAF’s activism throughout its history. However, the book has been constructed in such a way that reading all the chapters will itself provide a more pluralistic and contested fl avour of WAF’s politics. Th is introduction outlines the rationale for the book, introduces WAF and its political context, explains the book’s theoretical and methodological framework, and explores some of the themes that have emerged from the activists’ stories.

Solidarity, the network and the history of workers' self-management from the Gdańsk Agreement to shock therapy

This PhD thesis is an empirical research project in the field of modern Polish history. The thesis focuses on Solidarity, the Network and the idea of workers’ self-management. In addition, the thesis is based on an in-depth analysis of Solidarity archival material. The Solidarity trade union was born in August 1980 after talks between the communist government and strike leaders at the Gdansk Lenin Shipyards. In 1981 a group called the Network rose up, due to cooperation between Poland’s great industrial factory plants. The Network grew out of Solidarity; it was made up of Solidarity activists, and the group acted as an economic partner to the union. The Network was the base of a grass-roots, nationwide workers’ self-management movement. Solidarity and the self-management movement were crushed by the imposition of Martial Law in December 1981. Solidarity revived itself immediately, and the union created an underground society. The Network also revived in the underground, and it continued to promote self-management activity where this was possible. When Solidarity regained its legal status in April 1989, workers’ self-management no longer had the same importance in the union. Solidarity’s new politico-economic strategy focused on free markets, foreign investment and privatization. This research project ends in July 1990, when the new Solidarity-backed government enacted a privatization law. The government decided to transform the property ownership structure through a centralized privatization process, which was a blow for supporters of workers’ self-management. This PhD thesis provides new insight into the evolution of the Solidarity union from 1980-1990 by analyzing the fate of workers’ self-management. This project also examines the role of the Network throughout the 1980s. There is analysis of the important link between workers’ self-management and the core ideas of Solidarity. In addition, the link between political and economic reform is an important theme in this research project. The Network was aware that authentic workers’ self-management required reforms to the authoritarian political system. Workers’ self-management competed against other politico-economic ideas during the 1980s in Poland. The outcome of this competition between different reform concepts has shaped modern-day Polish politics, economics and society.