Monetary Effervescence: A Sociological Theory of Religion Applied to Money

This project attempts to answer the question "What holds the construction of money together?" by asserting that it is money's religious nature which provides the moral compulsion for people to use, and continue to uphold, money as a socially constructed concept. This project is primarily descriptive and focuses on the religious nature of money by employing a sociological theory of religion in viewing money as a technical concept. This is an interdisciplinary work between religious studies, economics, and sociology and draws heavily from Emile Durkheim's 'The Elementary Forms of Religious Life' as well as work related to heterodox theories of money developed by Geoffrey Ingham, A. Mitchell Innes, and David Graeber. Two new concepts are developed: the idea of monetary sacrality and monetary effervescence, both of which serve to recharge the religious saliency of money. By developing the concept of monetary sacrality, this project shows how money acts to interpret our economic relations while also obfuscating complex power dynamics in society, making them seem naturally occurring and unchangeable. The project also shows how our contemporary fractional reserve banking system contributes to money's collective effervescence and serves to animate economic acting within a monetary network. The project concludes by outlining multiple implications for religious studies, economics, sociology, and central banking.

Emile Durkheim's contributions to sociological theory.

Reprint of the 1915 ed., which was originally presented as the author's thesis, Columbia University.

General sociology; an exposition of the main development in sociological theory from Spencer to Ratzenhofer,

Mode of access: Internet.

A Sociological Study of the Political Subsystem in Yugoslavia

In this critical analysis of sociological studies of the political subsystem in Yugoslavia since the fall of communism Mr. Ilic examined the work of the majority of leading researchers of politics in the country between 1990 and 1996. Where the question of continuity was important, he also looked at previous research by the writers in question. His aim was to demonstrate the overall extent of existing research and at the same time to identify its limits and the social conditions which defined it. Particular areas examined included the problems of defining basic concepts and selecting the theoretically most relevant indicators; the sources of data including the types of authentic materials exploited; problems of research work (contacts, field control, etc.); problems of analysisl and finally the problems arising from different relations with the people who commission the research. In the first stage of the research, looking at methods of defining key terms, special attention was paid to the analysis of the most frequently used terms such as democracy, totalitarianism, the political left and right, and populism. Numerous weaknesses were noted in the analytic application of these terms. In studies of the possibilities of creating a democratic political system in Serbia and its possible forms (democracy of the majority or consensual democracy), the profound social division of Serbian society was neglected. The left-right distinction tends to be identified with the government-opposition relation, in the way of practical politics. The idea of populism was used to pass responsibility for the policy of war from the manipulator to the manipulated, while the concept of totalitarianism is used in a rather old-fashioned way, with echoes of the cold war. In general, the terminology used in the majority of recent research on the political subsystem in Yugoslavia is characterised by a special ideological style and by practical political material, rather than by developed theoretical effort. The second section of analysis considered the wider theoretical background of the research and focused on studies of the processes of transformation and transition in Yugoslav society, particularly the work of Mladen Lazic and Silvano Bolcic, who he sees as representing the most important and influential contemporary Yugoslav sociologists. Here Mr. Ilic showed that the meaning of empirical data is closely connected with the stratification schemes towards which they are oriented, so that the same data can have different meanings in shown through different schemes. He went on to show the observed theoretical frames in the context of wider ideological understanding of the authors' ideas and research. Here the emphasis was on the formalistic character of such notions as command economy and command work which were used in analysing the functioning and the collapse of communist society, although Mr. Ilic passed favourable judgement on the Lazic's critique of political over-determination in its various attempts to explain the disintegration of the communist political (sub)system. The next stage of the analysis was devoted to the problem of empirical identification of the observed phenomena. Here again the notions of the political left and right were of key importance. He sees two specific problems in using these notion in talking about Yugoslavia, the first being that the process of transition in the FR Yugoslavia has hardly begun. The communist government has in effect remained in power continuously since 1945, despite the introduction of a multi-party system in 1990. The process of privatisation of public property was interrupted at a very early stage and the results of this are evident on the structural level in the continuous weakening of the social status of the middle class and on the political level because the social structure and dominant form of property direct the majority of votes towards to communists in power. This has been combined with strong chauvinist confusion associated with the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, and these ideas were incorporated by all the relevant Yugoslav political parties, making it more difficult to differentiate between them empirically. In this context he quotes the situation of the stream of political scientists who emerged in the Faculty of Political Science in Belgrade. During the time of the one-party regime, this faculty functioned as ideological support for official communist policy and its teachers were unable to develop views which differed from the official line, but rather treated all contrasting ideas in the same way, neglecting their differences. Following the introduction of a multi-party system, these authors changed their idea of a public enemy, but still retained an undifferentiated and theoretically undeveloped approach to the issue of the identification of political ideas. The fourth section of the work looked at problems of explanation in studying the political subsystem and the attempts at an adequate causal explanation of the triumph of Slobodan Milosevic's communists at four subsequent elections was identified as the key methodological problem. The main problem Mr. Ilic isolated here was the neglect of structural factors in explaining the voters' choice. He then went on to look at the way empirical evidence is collected and studied, pointing out many mistakes in planning and determining the samples used in surveys as well as in the scientifically incorrect use of results. He found these weaknesses particularly noticeable in the works of representatives of the so-called nationalistic orientation in Yugoslav sociology of politics, and he pointed out the practical political abuses which these methodological weaknesses made possible. He also identified similar types of mistakes in research by Serbian political parties made on the basis of party documentation and using methods of content analysis. He found various none-sided applications of survey data and looked at attempts to apply other sources of data (statistics, official party documents, various research results). Mr. Ilic concluded that there are two main sets of characteristics in modern Yugoslav sociological studies of political subsystems. There are a considerable number of surveys with ambitious aspirations to explain political phenomena, but at the same time there is a clear lack of a developed sociological theory of political (sub)systems. He feels that, in the absence of such theory, most researcher are over-ready to accept the theoretical solutions found for interpretation of political phenomena in other countries. He sees a need for a stronger methodological bases for future research, either 1) in complementary usage of different sources and ways of collecting data, or 2) in including more of a historical dimension in different attempts to explain the political subsystem in Yugoslavia.

Social Theory and Nursing

Despite noteworthy exceptions, nursing’s literature largely disregards the ways in which social and sociological theory permeates, guides and shapes research, education, and practice. Likewise, social theory’s ability to position nursing within wider structures of healthcare and educational provision is similarly and puzzlingly downplayed. The questions nurses ask and the problems they face cannot however, adequately be addressed without engaging with social and sociological theory and, to progress this engagement, contributors to this book explore how social theories are used by and might apply to nursing and nursing practice. This work brings together leading international nursing and non-nursing scholars to stimulate thought and debate around a fascinating and enduring topic.

Atletas paraolimpicas : figurações e sociedade contemporanea

Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física

Identifications multiples à des groupes de statut différent et changement social

Le but de cette thèse est d'étudier l'impact d'une appartenance groupale jouissant d'un supérieur dans la hiérarchie sociale sur la volonté de participer à des actions collectives en faveur d'une appartenance groupale désavantagée. Selon la Théorie de l'Identité Sociale, les individus sont en effet membres de plusieurs groupes simultanément, qui constituent autant d'identités sociales potentielles. Comme l'ont montré les recherches en sociologie du genre s'inscrivant dans le courant intersectionnel, les diverses catégories sociales auxquelles une personne appartient peuvent se trouver dans des positions différentes dans la hiérarchie sociale, plaçant ainsi les individus à l'intersection de divers rapports de domination. Toutefois, ces rapports ne sont pas indépendants les uns des autres, mais interagissent et contribuent conjointement à construire une façon spécifique de vivre et de percevoir l'expérience de la domination. Globalement, notre thèse montre que lorsque deux endogroupes dotés de statuts différents sont simultanément saillants, les individus tendent à agir prioritairement en accord avec les intérêts de l'endogroupe dont le statut est le plus élevé, au détriment de l'endogroupe dont le statut est le plus bas : les individus tendent en effet à adhérer à des idéologies qui contribuent à légitimer le maintien des inégalités intergroupes, ce qui a pour conséquence de réduire leur volonté de participer à des actions collectives en faveur de leur endogroupe de statut inférieur. - This thesis focuses on the impact of a high status ingroup on willingness to participate in collective action in favour of a low status ingroup. According to Social Identity Theory, individuals are members of various groups, each of which is a potential social identity. Moreover, the feminist sociological theory of intersectionality suggests that these various ingroups can occupy different positions in social hierarchies, placing individuals at the intersection of various relations of domination. However, these relations do not act independently of one another, but interrelate, and shape a specific way to live and perceive the experiences of domination. On the whole, our thesis shows that when two ingroups with different statuses are salient, people tend to acts uppermost in compliance with the higher status group interest, to the detriment of the lower status group : Indeed, people tend to agree with ideologies that contribute to legitimate the perpetuation of intergroup inequalities. Consequently their willingness to participate in collective action in favor of their low-status group is reduced.

Teories de l’imperialisme. Un estat de la qüestió

El propòsit d’aquest treball és presentar i discutir les diferents teories sobre l’anomenat «imperialisme modern», delimitat cronològicament des de finals del segle XIX fins a l’inici de la Primera Guerra Mundial. A més a més, és també l’objectiu d’aquest article mostrar l’evolució de la discussió presentant aquestes teories en ordre cronològic i insistint en com els conceptes «imperialisme» i «colonialisme» han canviat de significat. Les teories marxistes i liberals de principis del segle XX consideraven l’imperialisme un procés fonamentalment econòmic mentre que la teoria sociològica de Schumpeter el veia com un atavisme. Algunes teories després de les guerres mundials han insistit en la importància de parar atenció en els territoris colonitzats i en com la seva relació amb Europa ha afectat la nova forma imperial. Les explicacions més recents n’han destacat aspectes molt diferents, des de la importància sobre com ha permès l’expansió del lliure-comerç fins a l’imperialisme com una perversió del nacionalisme.

Beyond the Veil: A Case Study of Context, Culture, Curriculum, and Constructivism at Dubai Women's College

This case study of curriculum at Dubai Women's College (DWC) examines perceptions of international educators who designed and implemented curriculum for female Emirati higher-educational students in the UAE, and sheds light on the complex social, cultural, and religious factors affecting educational practice. Participants were faculty and supervisors, mainly foreign nationals, while students at DWC are exclusively Emirati. Theories prominent in this study are: constructivist learning theory, trans formative curriculum theory, and sociological theory. Change and empowerment theory figure prominently in this study. Findings reveal this unique group of educators understand curriculum theory as a "contextualized" construct and argue that theory and practice must be viewed through an international lens of religious, cultural, and social contexts. As well, the study explores how mandated "standards" in education-in the form of the International English Language Testing System (IEL TS) and integrated, constructivist curriculum, as taught in the Higher Diploma Year 1 program-function as dual curricular emphases in this context. The study found that tensions among these dual emphases existed and were mediated through specific strategies, including the use of authentic texts to mirror the IEL TS examination during in-class activities, and the relevance of curricular tasks.