The impact of economic crises on social inequalities in health: what do we know so far?

Since 2008, Western countries are going through a deep economic crisis whose health impacts seem to be fundamentally counter-cyclical: when economic conditions worsen, so does health, and mortality tends to rise. While a growing number of studies have presented evidence on the effect of crises on the average population health, a largely neglected aspect of research is the impact of crises and the related political responses on social inequalities in health, even if the negative consequences of the crises are primarily borne by the most disadvantaged populations. This commentary will reflect on the results of the studies that have analyzed the effect of economic crises on social inequalities in health up to 2013. With some exceptions, the studies show an increase in health inequalities during crises, especially during the Southeast Asian and Japanese crises and the Soviet Union crisis, although it is not always evident for both sexes or all health or socioeconomic variables. In the Nordic countries during the nineties, a clear worsening of health equity did not occur. Results about the impacts of the current economic recession on health equity are still inconsistent. Some of the factors that could explain this variability in results are the role of welfare state policies, the diversity of time periods used in the analyses, the heterogeneity of socioeconomic and health variables considered, the changes in the socioeconomic profile of the groups under comparison in times of crises, and the type of measures used to analyze the magnitude of social inequalities in health. Social epidemiology should further collaborate with other disciplines to help produce more accurate and useful evidence about the relationship between crises and health equity.

Who Feels Inferior? A Test of the Status Anxiety Hypothesis of Social Inequalities in Health

The empirical association between income inequality, population health and other social problems is now well established and the research literature suggests that the relationship is not artefactual. Debate is still ongoing as to the cause of this association. Wilkinson, Marmot and colleagues have argued for some time that the relationship stems from the psycho-social effects of status comparisons. Here, income inequality is a marker of a wider status hierarchy that provokes an emotional stress response in individuals that is harmful to health and well-being. We label this the ‘status anxiety hypothesis’. If true, this would imply a structured relationship between income inequality at the societal level, individual income rank and anxiety relating to social status. This paper sets out strong and weak forms of the hypothesis and then presents three predictions concerning the structuring of ‘status anxiety’ at the individual level given different levels of national income inequality and varying individual income. We then test these predictions using data from a cross-national survey of over 34,000 individuals carried out in 2007 in 31 European countries. Respondents from low inequality countries reported less status anxiety than those in higher inequality countries at all points on the income rank curve. This is an important precondition of support for the status anxiety hypothesis and may be seen as providing support for the weaker version of the hypothesis. However, we do not find evidence to support the stronger version of the hypothesis which requires the negative effect of income rank on status anxiety to be exacerbated by increasing income inequality.

Considering daily mobility in contextual studies of social inequalities in health : conceptual and empirical insights

Les études sur les milieux de vie et la santé ont traditionnellement porté sur le seul quartier de résidence. Des critiques ont été émises à cet égard, soulignant le fait que la mobilité quotidienne des individus n’était pas prise en compte et que l’accent mis sur le quartier de résidence se faisait au détriment d’autres milieux de vie où les individus passent du temps, c’est-à-dire leur espace d’activité. Bien que la mobilité quotidienne fasse l’objet d’un intérêt croissant en santé publique, peu d’études se sont intéressé aux inégalités sociales de santé. Ceci, même en dépit du fait que différents groupes sociaux n’ont pas nécessairement la même capacité à accéder à des milieux favorables pour la santé. Le lien entre les inégalités en matière de mobilité et les inégalités sociales de santé mérite d’être exploré. Dans cette thèse, je développe d'abord une proposition conceptuelle qui ancre la mobilité quotidienne dans le concept de potentiel de mobilité. Le potentiel de mobilité englobe les opportunités et les lieux que les individus peuvent choisir d’accéder en convertissant leur potentiel en mobilité réalisée. Le potentiel de mobilité est façonné par des caractéristiques individuelles (ex. le revenu) et géographiques (ex. la proximité des transports en commun), ainsi que par des règles régissant l’accès à certaines ressources et à certains lieux (ex. le droit). Ces caractéristiques et règles sont inégalement distribuées entre les groupes sociaux. Des inégalités sociales en matière de mobilité réalisée peuvent donc en découler, autant en termes de l'ampleur de la mobilité spatiale que des expositions contextuelles rencontrées dans l'espace d'activité. Je discute de différents processus par lesquels les inégalités en matière de mobilité réalisée peuvent mener à des inégalités sociales de santé. Par exemple, les groupes défavorisés sont plus susceptibles de vivre et de mener des activités dans des milieux défavorisés, comparativement à leurs homologues plus riches, ce qui pourrait contribuer aux différences de santé entre ces groupes. Cette proposition conceptuelle est mise à l’épreuve dans deux études empiriques. Les données de la première vague de collecte de l’étude Interdisciplinaire sur les inégalités sociales de santé (ISIS) menée à Montréal, Canada (2011-2012) ont été analysées. Dans cette étude, 2 093 jeunes adultes (18-25 ans) ont rempli un questionnaire et fourni des informations socio-démographiques, sur leur consommation de tabac et sur leurs lieux d’activités. Leur statut socio-économique a été opérationnalisé à l’aide de leur plus haut niveau d'éducation atteint. Les lieux de résidence et d'activité ont servi à créer des zones tampons de 500 mètres à partir du réseau routier. Des mesures de défavorisation et de disponibilité des détaillants de produits du tabac ont été agrégées au sein des ces zones tampons. Dans une première étude empirique je compare l'exposition à la défavorisation dans le quartier résidentiel et celle dans l'espace d’activité non-résidentiel entre les plus et les moins éduqués. J’identifie également des variables individuelles et du quartier de résidence associées au niveau de défavorisation mesuré dans l’espace d’activité. Les résultats démontrent qu’il y a un gradient social dans l’exposition à la défavorisation résidentielle et dans l’espace d’activité : elle augmente à mesure que le niveau d’éducation diminue. Chez les moins éduqués les écarts dans l’exposition à la défavorisation sont plus marquées dans l’espace d’activité que dans le quartier de résidence, alors que chez les moyennement éduqués, elle diminuent. Un niveau inférieur d'éducation, l'âge croissant, le fait d’être ni aux études, ni à l’emploi, ainsi que la défavorisation résidentielle sont positivement corrélés à la défavorisation dans l’espace d’activité. Dans la seconde étude empirique j'étudie l'association entre le tabagisme et deux expositions contextuelles (la défavorisation et la disponibilité de détaillants de tabac) mesurées dans le quartier de résidence et dans l’espace d’activité non-résidentiel. J'évalue si les inégalités sociales dans ces expositions contribuent à expliquer les inégalités sociales dans le tabagisme. J’observe que les jeunes dont les activités quotidiennes ont lieu dans des milieux défavorisés sont plus susceptibles de fumer. La présence de détaillants de tabac dans le quartier de résidence et dans l’espace d’activité est aussi associée à la probabilité de fumer, alors que le fait de vivre dans un quartier caractérisé par une forte défavorisation protège du tabagisme. En revanche, aucune des variables contextuelles n’affectent de manière significative l’association entre le niveau d’éducation et le tabagisme. Les résultats de cette thèse soulignent l’importance de considérer non seulement le quartier de résidence, mais aussi les lieux où les gens mènent leurs activités quotidiennes, pour comprendre le lien entre le contexte et les inégalités sociales de santé. En discussion, j’élabore sur l’idée de reconnaître la mobilité quotidienne comme facteur de différenciation sociale chez les jeunes adultes. En outre, je conclus que l’identification de facteurs favorisant ou contraignant la mobilité quotidienne des individus est nécessaire afin: 1 ) d’acquérir une meilleure compréhension de la façon dont les inégalités sociales en matière de mobilité (potentielle et réalisée) surviennent et influencent la santé et 2) d’identifier des cibles d’intervention en santé publique visant à créer des environnements sains et équitables.

Cultural capital and smoking in young adults: applying new indicators to explore social inequalities in health behaviour.

BACKGROUND Associations between social status and health behaviours are well documented, but the mechanisms involved are less understood. Cultural capital theory may contribute to a better understanding by expanding the scope of inequality indicators to include individuals' knowledge, skills, beliefs and material goods to examine how these indicators impact individuals' health lifestyles. We explore the structure and applicability of a set of cultural capital indicators in the empirical exploration of smoking behaviour among young male adults. METHODS We analysed data from the Swiss Federal Survey of Adolescents (CH-X) 2010-11 panel of young Swiss males (n = 10 736). A set of nine theoretically relevant variables (including incorporated, institutionalized and objectified cultural capital) were investigated using exploratory factor analysis. Regression models were run to observe the association between factor scores and smoking outcomes. Outcome measures consisted of daily smoking status and the number of cigarettes smoked by daily smokers. RESULTS Cultural capital indicators aggregated in a three-factor solution representing 'health values', 'education and knowledge' and 'family resources'. Each factor score predicted the smoking outcomes. In young males, scoring low on health values, education and knowledge and family resources was associated with a higher risk of being a daily smoker and of smoking more cigarettes daily. CONCLUSION Cultural capital measures that include, but go beyond, educational attainment can improve prediction models of smoking in young male adults. New measures of cultural capital may thus contribute to our understanding of the social status-based resources that individuals can use towards health behaviours.

Cultural capital and social inequality in health

Economic and social resources are known to contribute to the unequal distribution of health outcomes. Culture-related factors such as normative beliefs, knowledge and behaviours have also been shown to be associated with health status. The role and function of cultural resources in the unequal distribution of health is addressed. Drawing on the work of French Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, the concept of cultural capital for its contribution to the current understanding of social inequalities in health is explored. It is suggested that class related cultural resources interact with economic and social capital in the social structuring of people's health chances and choices. It is concluded that cultural capital is a key element in the behavioural transformation of social inequality into health inequality. New directions for empirical research on the interplay between economic, social and cultural capital are outlined.

Changes in social inequalities in disability-free life expectancy in Southern Europe: the case of the Basque Country

Background: Health expectancy is a useful tool to monitor health inequalities. The evidence about the recent changes in social inequalities in healthy expectancy is relatively scarce and inconclusive, and most studies have focused on Anglo-Saxon and central or northern European countries. The objective of this study was to analyse the changes in socioeconomic inequalities in disability-free life expectancy in a Southern European population, the Basque Country, during the first decade of the 21st century. Methods: This was an ecological cross-sectional study of temporal trends on the Basque population in 1999-2003 and 2004-2008. All-cause mortality rate, life expectancy, prevalence of disability and disability free-life expectancy were calculated for each period according to the deprivation level of the area of residence. The slope index of inequality and the relative index of inequality were calculated to summarize and compare the inequalities in the two periods. Results: Disability free-life expectancy decreased as area deprivation increased both in men and in women. The difference between the most extreme groups in 2004-2008 was 6.7 years in men and 3.7 in women. Between 1999-2003 and 2004-2008, socioeconomic inequalities in life expectancy decreased, and inequalities in disability-free expectancy increased in men and decreased in women. Conclusions: This study found important socioeconomic inequalities in health expectancy in the Basque Country. These inequalities increased in men and decreased in women in the first decade of the 21st century, during which the Basque Country saw considerable economic growth.

Selective migration from deprived areas in Northern Ireland and the spatial distribution of inequalities: implications for monitoring health and inequalities in health

Much of the evidence suggesting that inequalities in health have been increasing over the last two decades has come from studies that compared the changes in relative health status of areas over time. Such studies ignore the movement of people between areas. This paper examines the population movement between small areas in Northern Ireland in the year prior to the 1991 census as well as the geographical distribution of migrants to Northern Ireland over the same period. It shows that deprived areas tended to become depopulated and that those who left these areas were the more affluent residents. While immigrants differed a little from the indigenous population, the overall effect of their distribution would be to maintain the geographical socio-economic status quo. The selective movement of people between areas would result in the distribution of health and ill-health becoming more polarized, i.e. produce a picture of widening inequalities between areas even though the distribution between individuals is unchanged. These processes suggest potential significant problems with the area-based approaches to monitoring health and inequalities in health.

Men's health: a population-based study on social inequalities

This study evaluates social inequalities in health according to level of schooling in the male population. This was a cross-sectional, population-based study with a sample of 449 men ranging from 20 to 59 years of age and living in Campinas, Sao Paulo State, Brazil. The chi-square test was used to verify associations, and a Poisson regression model was used to estimate crude and adjusted prevalence ratios. Men with less schooling showed higher rates of alcohol consumption and dependence, smoking, sedentary lifestyle during leisure time, and less healthy eating habits, in addition to higher prevalence of bad or very bad self-rated health, at least one chronic disease, hypertension, and other health problems. No differences were detected between the two schooling strata in terms of use of health services, except for dental services. The findings point to social inequality in health-related behaviors and in some health status indicators. However, possible equity was observed in the use of nearly all types of health services.

Social inequalities in male mortality, and in male mortality from smoking: indirect estimation from national death rates in England and Wales, Poland, and North America

Background There are substantial social inequalities in adult male mortality in many countries. Smoking is often more prevalent among men of lower social class, education, or income. The contribution of smoking to these social inequalities in mortality remains uncertain. Methods The contribution of smoking to adult mortality in a population can be estimated indirectly from disease-specific death rates in that population (using absolute lung cancer rates to indicate proportions due to smoking of mortality from certain other diseases). We applied these methods to 1996 death rates at ages 35-69 years in men in three different social strata in four countries, based on a total of 0.6 million deaths. The highest and lowest social strata were based on social class (professional vs unskilled manual) in England and Wales, neighbourhood income (top vs bottom quintile) in urban Canada, and completed years of education (more than vs less than 12 years) in the USA and Poland. Results In each country, there was about a two-fold difference between the highest and the lowest social strata in overall risks of dying among men aged 35-69 years (England and Wales 21% vs 43%, USA 20% vs 37%, Canada 21% vs 34%, Poland 26% vs 50%: four-country mean 22% vs 41%, four-country mean absolute difference 19%). More than half of this difference in mortality between the top and bottom social strata involved differences in risks of being killed at age 35-69 years by smoking (England and Wales 4% vs 19%, USA 4% vs 15%, Canada 6% vs 13%, Poland 5% vs 22%: four-country mean 5% vs 17%, four-country mean absolute difference 12%). Smoking-attributed mortality accounted for nearly half of total male mortality in the lowest social stratum of each country. Conclusion In these populations, most, but not all, of the substantial social inequalities in adult male mortality during the 1990s were due to the effects of smoking. Widespread cessation of smoking could eventually halve the absolute differences between these social strata in the risk of premature death.

We could make a meal out of nothing: contested explanations of inequalities in health

This paper reports on the qualitative findings from a comparative study of public health and lifestyles in South East England and Northern France, regions with similar geographic and economic characteristics. Data from health surveys showed that both countries had an increasing BMI with age, particularly in Northern France. This was despite the finding that the percentage eating fresh fruit and vegetable at least five days a week in Northern France increased with age (from well over 50% to over 90%) compared to around 50% to around 75% in South East England. Qualitative data on health inequalities and how they could be addressed were gathered by focus groups sampling from five tiers using the Townsend Index for comparability (14 in England with 106 participants overall; 13 in France with 143 participants). Both had about two thirds women participants, with a preponderance of middle aged and older people. There was a striking difference in the salience of diet between the two countries; in the French data it was raised only 14 times, whereas in England there were 165 occurrences, and these were often distinguished by their use of narrative. Older respondents contrasted the pressures on families today and the expense of fresh fruit and vegetables with their own childhood or childrearing, when cheap meals could be created using skills which have now been lost. These data therefore provide further evidence that providing food is a moral activity.