Children' s school study : an experimental theory of verbal information and social attitudes. 'Estudio de la escuela primaria: una teoría experimental de la información verbal y las actitudes sociales'.

Determinar los conceptos diferenciales alcanzados por los alumnos de segunda etapa de EGB con respecto a los alumnos de primera etapa en el area de ciencias sociales. Medir mediante una escala de Likertel cambio de actitudes producido como consecuencia de los aprendizajes en el area de humanidades.. La muestra aleatoria la componían 284 alumnos (145 chicos y 139 chicas) de 5õ y 8õ de EGB y 3õ de BUP, alumnos en centros de un centro urbano (Cáceres) y 3 núcleos rurales de la misma provincia.. La investigación se divide en dos bloques, el primero de ellos, de corte más teórico, estudia la cibernética y la teoría de la información como ciencias y su aplicación en el campo de la psicopedagogía. Se determinan también los esquemas generales para la construcción de escalas de medida de actitudes, y se trata de determinar experimentalmente la existencia de diferencias significativas en el caudal lingüístico entre alumnos procedentes de un medio rural y los procedentes de un medio urbano. El segundo bloque, de corte experimental, analiza el concepto de escala usado en ciencias sociales, y se trata de determinar las actitudes que representan un mayor grado de madurez en la dimensión socio-política. Para ello se aplica a los sujetos de la muestra la Social-responsability Scale.. Escala Likert. Quessing-game method (modificado). Social Responsability Scale de Berkowitz y Lutzeman.. Análisis de Varianza. Análisis de correlación. En terminos de transinsformación didáctica puede considerarse que durante la segunda etapa de EGB hay adquisición de conocimientos que suponen un substancial enriquecimiento del caudal lingüístico. El ambiente posibilita y condiciona el enriquecimiento o desarrollo de las facultades individuales. Pueden establecerse correlaciones parciales entre la adquisión de conceptos y la evolución de actitudes..

Central Europeans towards Integration with the European Union: A Study of Public Opinion, Social Attitudes and National Identities

Since the turbulence of 1989, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have striven to "return to Europe". Agreements have been signed with ten post-communist countries, beginning in 1991 with Czechoslovakia (before its division), Hungary and Poland. Since that time several countries have expressed a desire to become members of the EU. In 1997 the European Commission announced its opinion on the applications for EU membership of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and seven other applicant countries. The Commission recommended the commencement of negotiations on accession with the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia. Mr. Kucia's report, presented in the form of a series of manuscripts totalling 91 pages, written in English and Polish and including many pages of tables and graphs, presents the results of a study of public opinion on European integration in four countries of Central Europe (CE): the Czech Republic (CZ), Hungary (H), Poland (PL), and Slovakia (SK). The research results are primarily based on a public-opinion survey known as the Central and Eastern Eurobarometer (CEEB). CEEB has been conducted on behalf of the European Commission in the Central and Eastern European countries each year in autumn since 1990. Below is a very small selection of Mr. Kucia's research findings. Throughout the 90s people in the four countries increasingly saw their countries' future tied up with the EU, since economic and political connections to the EU were growing and prospects for EU membership were increasing. Regional co-operation within CE did not gain much popular recognition. However, initially high levels of enthusiasm for the EU were gradually superseded by a more realistic approach or even scepticism. Poland was the exception in this respect; its population was more positive about the EU in 1996 than ever before. Mr. Kucia concludes that, since the political "elites" in CE are more positive about the EU than the people they serve, they should do their best to bring people round to their beliefs, lest the project of European integration become purely the business of the elites, as Mr. Kucia claims it has been in the EU up till now. He accuses the governments of the region, the EU authorities and the media of failing to provide appropriate information, especially about the two subjects which most affect them, association with the EU and the PHARE assistance programme. Respondents were asked to rank in order the countries or regions they saw their country's future most closely tied up with. In the period 92-96 the EU received the highest ratings in all of CE. The ratings were highest in CZ in 92 and 93 (46%) and in Poland in 96 (46%). They were the lowest in Hungary (22% in 94). After the EU came "Other Western European countries (non EU)", that is Austria, Sweden and Finland (before they joined the EU in 1995), Switzerland and Norway. Mr. Kucia puts the high ratings of these countries down to historical connections and geographical proximity, particularly in the case of Austria. The USA always came second in Poland, and in Hungary too its standing has always been higher than in CZ or SK. Indeed Mr. Kucia suggests that the USA's standing is disproportionately low in especially the CZ. Germany was nominated frequently by Hungarians, though in the CZ and SK, figures have been consistently low (1-2%). "Other CE/EE countries" increased their ratings in all of CE except Poland between 92 and 96. With regard to these last figures, Mr. Kucia makes an interesting note. Assuming that for the respondents in the four countries this category covered the Visegrad 4, least support was found in Poland, whose government was the most in favour of close political co-operation within the V4, while most support was in evidence in CZ and SK, for whose governments V4 was simply not a priority. Again, there is evidence of a divide between the political elites and the people. Russia has occupied a consistently modest rank. It was the highest in PL, fairly low in H and SK and the lowest in CZ. The Slovak government's policy of closer ties with Russia is reflected in a growth in the figures from 2% in 93 to 6% in 95. Every year the spontaneous answer "we should depend on ourselves" appeared, which Mr. Kucia interprets as either a sign of isolationism and disillusionment or as a call for self-reliance. Unfortunately he regards both these tendencies as unfeasible in the uniting Europe. Moving to more general conclusions, Mr. Kucia finds that the concept "Central Europe" does not have much meaning for Central Europeans. He believes that this is probably due to the failure to establish a viable regional co-operation network. Group discussions also revealed that people thought themselves European as a consequence of being Czech or Polish etc. Thus European identity is based on national identities. Generally within the surveyed period, the numbers of those who said they often think themselves European decreased, while the numbers of those who said they never think themselves European increased from 41% in PL, 36% in CZ, and 30% in H in 1990, to 67% in CZ, 58% in PL, and 51% in H in 1995.

The psychology of ego-involvements, social attitudes & identifications /

"References" at end of each chapter except chapter 1.

Preventing contagion with avian influenza: Disease salience, attitudes toward foreigners, and avoidance beliefs

Building on an evolutionary approach to outgroup avoidance, this study shows relations between perceived disease salience and beliefs in the efficacy of avoiding foreigners as protective measures, in the context of a real-life pandemic risk; i.e., avian influenza. People for whom avian influenza was salient and who held unfavourable attitudes toward foreigners were more likely to believe that avoiding contact with foreigners protects against infection. This finding suggests that individual differences in social attitudes moderate evolved mechanisms relating threat of disease to outgroup avoidance.

Estigma social y adopción internacional en España. ¿Es la familia adoptiva un modelo familiar menos «auténtico» que los basados en lazos biológicos?

En España, el fenómeno de las adopciones internacionales irrumpe en la década de 1990. En 2004, se convirtió en el segundo país del mundo que las llevaba a cabo. Con el objetivo de incrementar el conocimiento sociológico sobre la familia adoptiva internacional española, se realizó la encuesta a través de web titulada Las familias adoptivas y sus estilos de vida. A partir de las respuestas ofrecidas por 230 madres y padres adoptivos, se dibuja el perfil sociodemográfico de sus hogares. Estos se caracterizarían por contar con progenitores con elevado nivel formativo, no adscritos a ninguna religión, que defienden políticas de izquierdas y que comparten un sistema de valores posmodernos respecto a la institución familiar. La identificación de la estructura doméstica según su tipo de alianza (biparental o monoparental) y su tipo de filiación (adoptiva o mixta) nos permite situar a la adopción contemporánea como una opción de filiación elegida y no, exclusivamente, como alternativa ante la imposibilidad de tener hijos biológicos. Adicionalmente, los resultados arrojados por la encuesta nos permiten adentrarnos en uno de los aspectos menos abordados en el estudio sociológico de la familia adoptiva: el papel de las actitudes sociales hacia la adopción y su impacto en aquella. La mayoría de los encuestados perciben el estigma social del que es objeto su familia adoptiva, pues, desde su punto de vista, la sociedad las considera como una forma de hogar menos satisfactoria que la basada en lazos biológicos.

Choosing to have children or choosing to be childfree: Australian students' attitudes towards the decisions of heterosexual and lesbian women

Research has demonstrated that voluntarily childless heterosexual women, and lesbian women choosing to become mothers, are negatively stereotyped. However, there is little recent Australian research, and attitudes may have changed in line with changing family formation patterns. This study assessed young Australians' attitudes towards either a lesbian or a heterosexual woman who was planning, or not planning, to have children. One hundred and nineteen first year psychology students, and members of the general public, participated. The majority of participants were under 20, female, European Australian and single. Participants read a brief description of a woman who was variously described as having a male or a female partner, and as planning or not planning to have children. As expected, participants rated the heterosexual woman more favourably than the lesbian, and the woman wanting children more positively than the woman not wanting children. However, there was a trend for the lesbian woman planning to have children to be rated as happier, more mature and more individualistic than others. The legal and social implications associated with wanting to be a lesbian mother in Australia make motherhood a more difficult process for lesbian women than it does for heterosexual women, and may explain why lesbian women who have decided to take this difficult path are seen as happier and more mature, than women making more conventional life choices. While the predominantly young, female student sample limits the generality of the findings, they suggest that social attitudes towards female sexual orientation and women's childbirth decisions are changing.

Australian Social Attributes: The First Report

A fascinating insight into what Australians think about contemporary political and social issues using data collected from the inaugural Australian Survey of Social Attitudes on the expressed opinions of some 4300 Australian adults. An excellent resource for students, teachers, researchers and policy makers, and for anyone interested in understanding the social dynamics of contemporary Australia.

A Study of How Economic Attitudes Are Shaped by Environmental Shocks and Life Experiences

Social attitudes, attitudes toward financial risk and attitudes toward deferred gratification are thought to influence many important economic decisions over the life-course. In economic theory, these attitudes are key components in diverse models of behavior, including collective action, saving and investment decisions and occupational choice. The relevance of these attitudes have been confirmed empirically. Yet, the factors that influence them are not well understood. This research evaluates how these attitudes are affected by large disruptive events, namely, a natural disaster and a civil conflict, and also by an individual-specific life event, namely, having children.

By implementing rigorous empirical strategies drawing on rich longitudinal datasets, this research project advances our understanding of how life experiences shape these attitudes. Moreover, compelling evidence is provided that the observed changes in attitudes are likely to reflect changes in preferences given that they are not driven just by changes in financial circumstances. Therefore the findings of this research project also contribute to the discussion of whether preferences are really fixed, a usual assumption in economics.

In the first chapter, I study how altruistic and trusting attitudes are affected by exposure to the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami as long as ten years after the disaster occurred. Establishing a causal relationship between natural disasters and attitudes presents several challenges as endogenous exposure and sample selection can confound the analysis. I take on these challenges by exploiting plausibly exogenous variation in exposure to the tsunami and by relying on a longitudinal dataset representative of the pre-tsunami population in two districts of Aceh, Indonesia. The sample is drawn from the Study of the Tsunami Aftermath and Recovery (STAR), a survey with data collected both before and after the disaster and especially designed to identify the impact of the tsunami. The altruistic and trusting attitudes of the respondents are measured by their behavior in the dictator and trust games. I find that witnessing closely the damage caused by the tsunami but without suffering severe economic damage oneself increases altruistic and trusting behavior, particularly towards individuals from tsunami affected communities. Having suffered severe economic damage has no impact on altruistic behavior but may have increased trusting behavior. These effects do not seem to be caused by the consequences of the tsunami on people’s financial situation. Instead they are consistent with how experiences of loss and solidarity may have shaped social attitudes by affecting empathy and perceptions of who is deserving of aid and trust.

In the second chapter, co-authored with Ryan Brown, Duncan Thomas and Andrea Velasquez, we investigate how attitudes toward financial risk are affected by elevated levels of insecurity and uncertainty brought on by the Mexican Drug War. To conduct our analysis, we pair the Mexican Family Life Survey (MxFLS), a rich longitudinal dataset ideally suited for our purposes, with a dataset on homicide rates at the month and municipality-level. The homicide rates capture well the overall crime environment created by the drug war. The MxFLS elicits risk attitudes by asking respondents to choose between hypothetical gambles with different payoffs. Our strategy to identify a causal effect has two key components. First, we implement an individual fixed effects strategy which allows us to control for all time-invariant heterogeneity. The remaining time variant heterogeneity is unlikely to be correlated with changes in the local crime environment given the well-documented political origins of the Mexican Drug War. We also show supporting evidence in this regard. The second component of our identification strategy is to use an intent-to-treat approach to shield our estimates from endogenous migration. Our findings indicate that exposure to greater local-area violent crime results in increased risk aversion. This effect is not driven by changes in financial circumstances, but may be explained instead by heightened fear of victimization. Nonetheless, we find that having greater economic resources mitigate the impact. This may be due to individuals with greater economic resources being able to avoid crime by affording better transportation or security at work.

The third chapter, co-authored with Duncan Thomas, evaluates whether attitudes toward deferred gratification change after having children. For this study we also exploit the MxFLS, which elicits attitudes toward deferred gratification (commonly known as time discounting) by asking individuals to choose between hypothetical payments at different points in time. We implement a difference-in-difference estimator to control for all time-invariant heterogeneity and show that our results are robust to the inclusion of time varying characteristics likely correlated with child birth. We find that becoming a mother increases time discounting especially in the first two years after childbirth and in particular for those women without a spouse at home. Having additional children does not have an effect and the effect for men seems to go in the opposite direction. These heterogeneous effects suggest that child rearing may affect time discounting due to generated stress or not fully anticipated spending needs.

Using partially structured attitude measures to enhance the attitude-behavior relationship

This article recalls a classic scheme for categorizing attitude measures. One particular group of measures, those that rely on respondents' interpretations of partially structured stimuli, has virtually disappeared from attitude research. An attitude measure based on respondents' interpretation of partially structured stimuli is considered. Four studies employing such a measure demonstrate that it predicts unique variance in self-reported and actual behavior, beyond that predicted by explicit and contemporary implicit measures and regardless of whether the attitude object under consideration is wrought with social desirability concerns. Implications for conceptualizing attitude measurement and attitude-behavior relations are discussed.

The recent Australian debate about the prohibition on cannabis use

This paper outlines the ethical arguments used in the Australian debate about whether or not to relax the prohibition on cannabis use by adults. Over the past two decades a rising prevalence of cannabis use in the Australian population has led to proposals for the decriminalization of the personal use of cannabis. Three states and territories have removed criminal penalties for personal use while criminal penalties are rarefy imposed in the remaining states. Libertarian arguments for legalization of cannabis use have attracted a great deal of media interest but very little public and political support. Other arguments in favour of decriminalization have attracted more support. One has been the utilitarian argument that prohibition has failed to deter cannabis use and the social costs of its continuation outweigh any benefits that it produces. Another has been the argument from hypocrisy that cannabis is less harmful than alcohol and so, on the grounds of consistency, if alcohol is legally available then so should cannabis. To date public opinion has not favoured legalization, although support for the decriminalization of personal cannabis use has increased. In the long term, the outcome of the debate may depend more upon trends in cannabis use and social attitudes among young adults than upon the persuasiveness of the arguments for a relaxation of the prohibition of cannabis.

Participação ocupacional do idoso com deficiência visual: sua percepção

O estudo apresentado visava responder às necessidades emergentes de justificação da intervenção da Terapia Ocupacional na população idosa com deficiência visual. Teve como objectivo explorar as perspectivas dos idosos com deficiência visual na experiência que têm da sua participação ocupacional. Paralelamente a este objectivo procurou-se, também, conhecer as atitudes e comportamentos em relação ao apoio da Terapia Ocupacional. Para estudar estas questões utilizou-se uma metodologia qualitativa, a fenomenologia, que permitiu descrever fielmente a experiência que se pretendia conhecer. A recolha de dados foi feita através de duas sessões de focus groups distintas, onde num dos grupos participaram idosos com deficiência visual que tiveram apoio de Terapia Ocupacional e no outro idosos com deficiência visual que não usufruíram deste apoio. Após a análise do conteúdo resultante dos focus groups emergiram os seguintes temas: impacto da deficiência visual, onde foram englobadas as categorias de implicações psicossociais da deficiência visual e restrições nas actividades e ocupações do idoso com deficiência visual; o segundo tema onde se incluíram as categorias de apoio e atitudes sociais, instituições e recursos acessíveis e estratégias utilizadas; por fim o tema dos benefícios percebidos, do qual fazem parte as categorias, benefícios psicológicos e participação. Estes temas permitiram perceber as perspectivas de participação ocupacional do idoso, após o aparecimento da deficiência visual, bem como conhecer as melhorias ao nível dessa participação após intervenção especializada, destacando-se a relevância da intervenção do terapeuta ocupacional na população idosa com deficiência visual.

An Analysis of the Electoral Use of Policy on Law and Order by New Labour

There has been much debate regarding the electoral strategy adopted by New Labour in the lead-up to and then during their time in government. This paper addresses the issue from the perspective of left/right and libertarian/authoritarian considerations by examining data on individual attitudes from the British Social Attitudes survey between 1986 and 2009. The analysis indicates that New Labour’s move towards the right on economic and public policy was the main driver towards attracting new centrist voters and could thus be labelled ‘broadly’ populist. The move towards a tougher stance on law and order was more ‘narrowly’ populist in that it was used more to minimise the reduction in support from Labour’s traditional base on the left than to attract new votes.