974 resultados para Smallpox--vaccination
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Mode of access: Internet.
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The Balmis expedition, sent to America by the Spanish monarch Charles IV in 1803, was a watershed in the history of Medicine as it made smallpox vaccination available for the first time, effectively prevented the disease from spreading, and saved thousands of lives. Immunization required complex administrative measures and political decisions including the creation of Vaccination Boards, all of which involved different sectors of Spanish American society. This dissertation argues that at the beginning of the nineteenth century the Spanish American colonial state had reached some level of maturity and cohesion that made it capable of executing this complex project in public health. The significance of this mobilization and the every-day experience in implementing this new public health measure is the center of this work. It is situated geographically in Venezuela and Cuba, entities which took different evolutionary paths in the nineteenth century. The organization and functioning of Vaccination Boards in these two areas are used to illustrate the state formation process, and sharp political differences in this critical period.
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Vol. 2 contains reproductions of original title pages of ten of the essays.
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In 1980 the World Health Organization declared that smallpox was eradicated from the world, and routine smallpox vaccination was discontinued. Nevertheless, samples of the smallpox virus (variola virus) were retained for research purposes, not least because of fears that terrorist groups or rogue states might also have kept samples in order to develop a bioweapon. Variola virus represents an effective bioweapon because it is associated with high morbidity and mortality and is highly contagious. Since September 11, 2001, countries around the world have begun to develop policies and preparedness programs to deal with a bioterror attack, including stockpiling of smallpox vaccine. Smallpox vaccine itself may be associated with a number of serious adverse events, which can often be managed with vaccinia immune globulin (VIG). VIG may also be needed as prophylaxis in patients for whom pre-exposure smallpox vaccine is contraindicated (such as those with eczema or pregnant women), although it is currently not licensed in these cases. Two intravenous formulations of VIG (VIGIV Cangene and VIGIV Dynport) have been licensed by the FDA for the management of patients with progressive vaccinia, eczema vaccinatum, severe generalized vaccinia, and extensive body surface involvement or periocular implantation following inadvertent inoculation.
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Vaccinia virus strains from the family Poxviridae have been frequently isolated in Brazil and associated with outbreaks of exanthematic disease affecting cows and humans. An ELISA IgG was applied to evaluate the seroprevalence of orthopoxviruses in a community located in a rural settlement in the Amazon region, where no orthopoxvirus outbreaks have yet been reported. An overall seroprevalence of 27.89% was found, and it was 23.38% in the non-vaccinated population (smallpox vaccination). These results strongly suggest that orthopoxviruses circulate in this population, and it is the first finding of seropositivity for orthopoxviruses in a population without any previously reported outbreaks.
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A historical chronology of smallpox vaccination in Brazil is presented, with emphasis on the State of Sao Paulo. We also present the scientific and philosophical concepts that influenced the regulation and practice of vaccination in Sao Paulo based on the historiographic bibliography, legislation about vaccination, and the debates in the state legislative body. Discovered by Jenner in 1796, the vaccine reached in Brazil in 1804 and was only used in the colonial capital, the city of Rio de Janeiro. In the 1890 decade, smallpox, side by side with yellow fever, typhoid fever and other pestilential diseases, was the major health problem in the State of Sao Paulo. There was also the fear that the vaccine might transmit syphilis, an Unfounded attitude since the product used in Sao Paulo (the 'animal vaccine') was elaborated from bovine serum. The immediate necessity to fight a highly lethal disease that threatened the State population and the coffee-growing business led to the abandonment of the fears and of the liberal principles in favor of the sanitary needs. The vaccine became compulsory in 1891 in the State of Sao Paulo and its application met no resistance on the part of the population, in contrast to the so-called 'Vaccine Revolt' that would occur in Rio de Janeiro in 1904.
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España no pudo asegurar la vacunación de toda su población infantil durante el siglo XIX. En este trabajo nos ocupamos de las causas de este fracaso utilizando como estudio de caso la ciudad de Alicante. Las principales causas de la inconstante práctica de la vacunación en Alicante fueron la ausencia de servicios sanitarios adecuados, la oposición o la negligencia de la población y algunos obstáculos técnicos.
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Introducción. Las discusiones sobre la necesidad de conservación del virus de la viruela en 1999 pusieron de actualidad una enfermedad erradicada veinte años atrás. El escenario de alarma internacional creado tras los incidentes del 11-S en EE.UU vino a resituar a la viruela como potencial candidata para ser utilizada como arma bioterrorista. La consecuencia directa fue la reactivación de una vacuna que permanecía en el olvido y cuyos destinatarios iniciales eran los cuerpos de seguridad estadounidenses. España también se interesó por adquirir la vacuna antivariólica. El objetivo de este estudio es valorar la cobertura mediática que la viruela obtuvo en nuestro país. Métodos. Revisión sistemática en la base documental Dow Jones Factiva de las noticias publicadas durante el periodo 1999-2004 en los cuatro diarios de mayor tirada nacional (ABC, El Mundo, El País y La Vanguardia), utilizando como palabra clave “viruela”. Se efectuó un análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo de los datos obtenidos. Resultados. Se analizaron 416 noticias. El Mundo, con un total de 158 (37.98%), fue el diario con más publicaciones. El mayor número de noticias (152, 36,5%) se editaron en 2003, coincidiendo con la adquisición de vacunas por España. El tipo de mensajes emitidos fue variable a lo largo del sexenio, predominando los relacionados con “diplomacia y política”, “riesgo epidemiológico”, “bioterrorismo” y “vacuna”, concentrados en años diferentes. Conclusiones. La alarma creada en torno a la vacunación antivariólica fue un fenómeno mediático que obedeció a cuestiones de estrategia política más que a un problema real de salud pública.
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La práctica inconstante de la vacunación contra la viruela durante el siglo xix tuvo como consecuencia la aparición de varias oleadas epidémicas en España. La baja aceptación de la vacuna entre la población, unida a la incapacidad del estado para organizar campañas y suministrar vacuna, contribuyeron a perpetuar la enfermedad. Durante la segunda mitad del siglo se abrió un debate sobre la necesidad de hacer obligatoria la vacunación y revacunación, incorporándose, además, el uso de la vacuna animalizada. Un texto de Emilio Casas Arriola, médico de Huércanos (Logroño), describe el brote epidémico sufrido entre 1891 y 1892 en este municipio. La obra tiene la estructura de una topografía médica y fue redactada con la intención de concurrir a un premio de la Real Academia Médica de Madrid. Se analizan las dificultades, vicisitudes y medidas adoptadas para afrontar la epidemia en un entorno aislado y rural.
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Ignacio María Ruiz de Luzuriaga (1763–1822) tuvo un papel destacado durante el inicio de la vacunación antivariólica en España. Desde su posición como secretario de la Real Academia de Medicina, Luzuriaga fomentó una red epistolar con médicos, cirujanos, aristócratas y burgueses de clara mentalidad ilustrada, a los que proporcionaba vacuna y consejos sobre ella y de los que recibía información sobre los progresos de la vacunación. Fue un intento fallido de formar un Comité Central de la Vacuna como existía en otros países europeos. El texto revisa la figura de Luzuriaga aportando detalles no conocidos sobre su trayectoria vital.
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The small leather-bound volume holds two sections, a manuscript student periodical, and written tête-bêche, an exchange on smallpox inoculation followed by notes on the rules and activities of a Harvard College student club. The volume begins with thirteen numbered manuscript issues, written in one hand, of the Tell-Tale running from September 9, 1721 to November 1, 1721. Prefaced, "This paper was entitl'd the Telltale or Criticisms on the Conversation & Beheavour of Scholars to promote right reasoning & good manner," the work is modeled after literary periodicals of the time, including the "Spectator," and is considered the oldest student publication at Harvard. The periodical appears to have circulated in manuscript form. The content varies in format and includes letters between Telltale and correspondents, short essays, and advertisements. Topics discussed include conversation, detraction, and flattery. While not specifically about Harvard it does provide some information about the College including evidence of various student activities and organizations at Harvard in the 1720s. The entry explaining the rules of the Telltale Club is heavily faded and nearly illegible. The Telltale records multiple dreams, which are populated by various characters, such as “beautiful” Kate, two “learned Physicians” debating inoculation, “four Fellows” “pushing and shoving one another,” and a “person of a very Dark & swarthy complexion in a Slovenly Dress with 7 patches & 5 sparks on his Face.”
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Account books listing patients, medicines administered, and fees charged by Dr. Thomas Cradock (1752-1821), primarily in Maryland, from 1786 to 1818. In addition to recording names, Cradock occasionally noted demographic information, the patient's location, or their occupation: from 1813 to 1816, he treated Richard Gent, a free African-American man; in 1813, he attended to John Bell, who lived in the Foggy Bottom neighborhood of Washington, D.C. Cradock further noted if the patient was a slave and the name of his or her owner. He would also administer care on behalf of corporate entities, such as Powhatan Factory, which apparently refused him payment. He also sometimes included a diagnosis: in the cases of a Mr. Rowles and Mrs. Violet West, he administered unspecified medicines for gonorrhea at a cost of ten dollars. Commonly prescribed drugs included emetics, cathartics, and anodynes. Cradock also provided smallpox vaccination for his patients. He accepted both cash and payment-in-kind. Tipped into the first volume is an envelope containing a letter from the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland to Mrs. Thomas Craddock in 1899 requesting a loan of portrait of Dr. Thomas Craddock [sic]. The three volumes also each contain an index to patient names.
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Ledger containing accounts of smallpox inoculation by Dr. John Jeffries (1745-1819) at Rainsford Island Hospital in Boston, Massachusetts, from June to July 1775; at a West Boston smallpox hospital in July 1775; and in Halifax, Nova Scotia, between 1776 and 1779. The accounts include dates, names, ages and physical condition of patients, and details regarding the method of delivery. Among the patients he inoculated was his son, John, at Rainsford Island Hospital on 14 June 1775.