917 resultados para Security discourses
Resumo:
Following the end of the Cold War and the ensuing changes to the international landscape, thinking about security has tended to become more discursive and interpretative in nature. What counts as security has increasingly derived from security discourses (that is, 'securitisation') and uncertainty about the multi-faceted future facing various countries and regions. Within this post-Cold War discourse, the Western Mediterranean has emerged as a region fraught with latent and manifest threats in the economic, political, societal and military sectors. Improved access to EU markets for Maghrebi exports; the security of energy supplies to the EU from Algeria and Libya; lack of democracy and the advance of political Islam; the flow of northward migration and worries about law and order in France, Italy and Spain; the growth in military expenditure and weapons proliferation in the Maghreb; all have been central to the securitisation agenda. However, this agenda has often lacked credibility especially when inter-linkages have purportedly been established between economic underdevelopment and political instability, between the advance of political Islam and the threat to energy supplies, or between immigration and the threat to national identity. Such inter-sectoral linkages distract from the credibility of those 'securitisation instances' which correspond to reality; the former linkages have often been exploited by extremist politicians in south-west European countries as well as by regimes in the Maghreb to advance their respective interests. Thus, securitisation may defeat its main purpose; it may generate responses out of keeping with the aims proclaimed at the outset, aims centred on the countering of real threats and the ensuring of greater stability.
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Persistent food insecurity and famines have continued to significantly shape the development policies of Ethiopia for decades. Over the decades, frequent famines caused not only the death of hundreds of thousands of victims but also significantly contributed to two revolutions that swept away the Haile Selassie and Derg regimes, as well as significantly taxing the legitimacy of the incumbent regime. As a result, agriculture and food security have become increasingly the top policy priorities for all political regimes in Ethiopia. However, the development policies of the ruling elites of Ethiopia have consistently failed to transform backward agriculture and ensure food security. The failures of the development policies of the Ethiopian governments over the years were attributed to several factors. Ethiopian authoritarian politics, centralized rule with a lack of transparency and accountability; the isolation of peasants from the development and governance process, and the lack of coherent agricultural development strategies that invest in peasant agriculture and create synergy among sectors are identified as key issues that have contributed to the persistence of food insecurity in the country. The literature on the failure of Ethiopia's political regimes to address food insecurity and famine has two major gaps that this study aims to fill. First, the cumulative and path-dependent food security and agricultural development policy environment were not adequately considered. Second, the strategy of extraversion by subsequent political regimes to use external support as a relief to prevent the famine-induced political crisis. This study used a mixed approach to collect data and present the evolution of the interplays of development policies and food security in three regimes within the context of international food security discourses. This study found out how the historical patterns of approaches of Ethiopia’s regimes to development and governance led to frequent famines and persistent food insecurity.
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Ce mémoire de maîtrise porte sur les effets politiques des discours médiatiques sur la gouvernance et la régulation des demandeurs d’asile au Canada. À travers une analyse critique des discours de la presse écrite canadienne au sujet de l’arrivée en août 2010 de 492 requérants du statut de réfugié à bord du bateau MV Sun Sea en Colombie-Britannique, l’auteure identifie les principales interprétations de cet évènement ainsi que leurs relations avec la mise en place subséquente de mesures visant à restreindre les possibilités d’accès non autorisés au Canada, notamment par la création d’une nouvelle catégorisation discriminatoire des demandeurs d’asile. L’analyse révèle l’articulation de ces discours autour de deux thématiques distinctes, mais interreliées. Tandis que les discours sécuritaires associent l’arrivée non autorisée des demandeurs d’asile à une menace à la sécurité de la nation, les discours humanitaires interprètent cet évènement comme une demande d’aide de la part d’un groupe de personnes menacées par leur propre pays. Ce mémoire propose une analyse multidimensionnelle de ces deux cadrages et de leurs effets politiques qui considère leurs dimensions discursives, contextuelles et affectives. L’analyse démontre comment ces deux discours en apparence conflictuels partagent en fait un même sous-texte racial qui fait de ce type de spectacle médiatique un dispositif clé de « gouvernementalité racialisée de l’immigration » (Bilge, 2012, 2013).
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This article analyses security discourses that are beginning to self-consciously take on board the shift towards the Anthropocene. Firstly, it sets out the developing episteme of the Anthropocene, highlighting the limits of instrumentalist cause-and-effect approaches to security, increasingly becoming displaced by discursive framings of securing as a process, generated through new forms of mediation and agency, capable of grasping inter-relations in a fluid context. This approach is the methodology of hacking: creatively composing and repurposing already existing forms of agency. It elaborates on hacking as a set of experimental practices and imaginaries of securing the Anthropocene, using as a case study the field of digital policy activism with the focus on community empowerment through social-technical assemblages being developed and applied in ‘the City of the Anthropocene’: Jakarta, Indonesia. The article concludes that policy interventions today cannot readily be grasped in modernist frameworks of ‘problem solving’ but should be seen more in terms of evolving and adaptive ‘life hacks’.
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Abstract This paper uses the framework of the Copenhagen School to understand the process of securitization of cyberspace, exploring how something in such sphere becomes a threat. Seeking to contribute to the debate, this study analyses the securitization discourses of Brazil and of the United States from Hansen and Nissenbaum's (2009) theorization about the existence of a specific sector for cybersecurity. To comprehend the securitization of cyberspace in these terms allows not only to identify distinct levels of securitization, but also to capture the dynamics of cyber threats, distinguishing them from those existent in other sectors, as well as to trace distinctions between tendencies of securitization and militarization.
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Mobile technologies have brought about major changes in police equipment and police work. If a utopian narrative remains strongly linked to the adoption of new technologies, often formulated as 'magic bullets' to real occupational problems, there are important tensions between their 'imagined' outcomes and the (unexpected) effects that accompany their daily 'practical' use by police officers. This article offers an analysis of police officers' perceptions and interactions with security devices. In so doing, it develops a conceptual typology of strategies for coping with new technology inspired by Le Bourhis and Lascoumes: challenging, neutralizing and diverting. To that purpose, we adopt an ethnographic approach that focuses on the discourses, practices and actions of police officers in relation to three security devices: the mobile digital terminal, the mobile phone and the body camera. Based on a case study of a North American municipal police department, the article addresses how these technological devices are perceived and experienced by police officers on the beat.
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This article builds on the securitisation and post-development literature and it scrutinises the Czech and Hungarian legitimising discourses of the two countries’ respective Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) in the Logar and Baghlan provinces of Afghanistan from 2007 to 2013. In spite of the hybrid civil–military character of the PRTs, their security–development nexus was absent and they were respectively securitised and “developmentalised” only indirectly and to a varying extent. The PRTs were mostly justified by the Czech Republic's NATO membership as an identity issue and they were justified as a Hungarian national interest and as both an obligation and an opportunity. Rather than merely importing NATO's arguments as suggested by the previous literature, the depoliticisation and positive connotation of the intervention in Afghanistan was constructed by the domestic NATO-related identities and interests in the Czech Republic and Hungary.
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To describe the clinical history of a child with aggressive behavior and recurring death-theme speech, and report the experience of the team of authors, who proposed an alternative to medication through the establishment of a protection network and the inter-sector implementation of the circle of security concept. A 5-year-old child has a violent and aggressive behavior at the day-care. The child was diagnosed by the healthcare center with depressive disorder and behavioral disorder, and was medicated with sertraline and risperidone. Side effects were observed, and the medications were discontinued. Despite several actions, such as talks, teamwork, psychological and psychiatric follow-up, the child's behavior remained unchanged. A unique therapeutic project was developed by Universidade Estadual de Campinas' Medical School students in order to establish a connection between the entities responsible for the child's care (daycare center, healthcare center, and family). Thus, the team was able to develop a basic care protection network. The implementation of the inter-sector circle of security, as well as the communication and cooperation among the teams, produced very favorable results in this case. This initiative was shown to be a feasible and effective alternative to the use of medication for this child.
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Power system real time security assessment is one of the fundamental modules of the electricity markets. Typically, when a contingency occurs, it is required that security assessment and enhancement module shall be ready for action within about 20 minutes’ time to meet the real time requirement. The recent California black out again highlighted the importance of system security. This paper proposed an approach for power system security assessment and enhancement based on the information provided from the pre-defined system parameter space. The proposed scheme opens up an efficient way for real time security assessment and enhancement in a competitive electricity market for single contingency case
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Australia is an increasingly important ally for the United States. It is willing to be part of challenging global missions, and its strong economy and growing self-confi dence suggest a more prominent role in both global and regional affairs. Moreover, its government has worked hard to strengthen the link between Canberra and Washington. Political and strategic affi nities between the two countries have been refl ected in--and complemented by--practiced military interoperability, as the two allies have sustained a pattern of security cooperation in relation to East Timor, Afghanistan and Iraq in the last 4 years. This growing collaboration between the two countries suggests that a reinvention of the traditional bilateral security relationship is taking place. At the core of this process lies an agreement about the need for engaging in more proactive strategic behavior in the changing global security environment, and a mutual acceptance of looming military and technological interdependence. But this new alliance relationship is already testing the boundaries of bipartisan support for security policy within Australia. Issues of strategic doctrine, defense planning, and procurement are becoming topics of fi erce policy debate. Such discussion is likely to be sharpened in the years ahead as Australia’s security relationship with the United States settles into a new framework.