950 resultados para SOCIAL CONFLICT
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In this paper we examine the link between ethnic and religious polarization and conflict using interpersonal distances for ethnic and religious attitudes obtained from the World Values Survey. We use the Duclos et al (2004) polarization index. We measure conflict by means on an index of social unrest, as well as by the standard conflict onset or incidence based on a threshold number of deaths. Our results show that taking distances into account significantly improves the quality of the fit. Our measure of polarization outperforms the measure used by Montalvo and Reynal-Querol (2005) and the fractionalization index. We also obtain that both ethnic and religious polarization are significant in explaining conflict. The results improve when we use an indicator of social unrest as the dependent variable.
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Shy children are at risk for later maladjustment due to ineffective coping with social conflicts through reliance on avoidance, rather than approach-focused, coping. The purpose of the present study was to explore whether the relation between shyness and children's coping was mediated by attributions and moderated by personality selftheories and gender. Participants included a classroom-based sample of 175 children (93 boys), aged 9-13 years (M = 10.11 years, SD = 0.92). Children completed self-report measures assessing shyness, attributions, personality self-theories and coping strategies. Results showed that negative attribution biases partially mediated the negative relations between shyness and social support seeking, as well as problem-solving, and the positive association between shyness and externalizing. Moreover, self-theories moderated the relation between shyness and internalizing coping at the trend level, such that the positive relation was exacerbated among entity-oriented children to a greater degree than incrementally-oriented children. In terms of gender differences, shyness was related to lower use of social support and problem-solving among incrementally-oriented boys and entity-oriented girls. Thus, shy children's perceptions of social conflicts as the outcome of an enduring trait (e.g., social incompetence) may partially explain why they do not act assertively and aggress as a means of social coping. Furthermore, entity-oriented beliefs may exacerbate shy children's reliance on internalizing actions, such as crying. Although an incrementally-oriented stance may enhance shy girls' reliance on approach strategies, it does not appear to serve the same protective role for shy boys. Therefore, copingoriented interventions may need to focus on restructuring shy children's social cognitions and implementing gender-specific programming for their personality biases.
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Recent results from our laboratory have shown that 30-bites social conflict in mice produces a high-intensity, short-term analgesia which is attenuated by systemically injected 5-HT1A receptor agonists, such as BAY R 1531 (6-methoxy-4-(di-n-propylamino)-1,3,4,5-tetrahydrobenz(c,d)indole hydrochloride) and gepirone. The present study investigated the effects of these drugs, as well as the 5-HT1A receptor antagonist WAY 100135 (N-tert-butyl-3-(4-(2-methoxyphenyl)piperazine-1-yl)-2-phenylpropanamide) injected into the midbrain periaqueductal gray matter of mice on 30-bites analgesia. Four to five days after guide-cannula implantation, each mouse received microinjection of gepirone (30 nmol/0.2 mu l), BAY R 1531 (10 nmol/0.2 mu l), WAY 100135 (10 nmol/0.2 mu l), saline (0.9% NaCl) or vehicle (saline + 4% Tween 80) 5 min before either an aggressive (30 bites) or a non-aggressive interaction. Nociception was assessed by the tail-flick test made before as well as 1, 5, 10 and 20 min after social interaction. The full 5-HT1A receptor agonist BAY R 1531 blocked, whereas, WAY 100135 and gepirone intensified 30-bites analgesia, Neither non-aggressive interaction, per se, nor the three compounds given after this type of social interaction significantly changed nociception. These results indicate that 5-HT1A receptors in the periaqueductal gray inhibit analgesia induced by social conflict in mice. (C) 1998 Elsevier B.V. B.V.
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Social conflict between mice produces analgesia in the attacked mouse. Both the magnitude and type (opioid or nonopioid) of this analgesia have been related to attack intensity and strain of mouse. In the present study low intensity social conflict (7 bites) did not produce analgesia, whereas high intensity - 30 and 60 bites interactions produced, respectively, short-lasting (5 min) and very short-lasting (1 min) analgesia in Swiss albino mice, when compared with nonaggressive interaction (0 bite). The 30 bites aggressive interaction induced analgesia (AIIA) was not affected by IP injection of either naloxone (5.0 and 7.5 mg/kg) or diazepam (0.5, 1.0, 2.0 and 4.0 mg/kg). However, this attack-induced analgesia was reduced after IP administration of the 5-HT1A agonists, gepirone (0.3 and 3.0 mg/kg) and BAY R 1531 (0.01 mg/kg). These results indicate that the analgesia induced by 30 bites social conflict in Swiss albino mice does not involve opioid and GABA-benzodiazepine (GABA-BZD) mechanisms. In addition, they suggest that high-intensity social conflict activates serotonergic pain modulatory systems that act through 5-HT1A receptors. Copyright (C) 1997 Elsevier B.V.
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Includes bibliography
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Includes bibliography
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The present article describes and analyses youth criminality in the city of Rosario, Argentina between the years 2003-2006. Key actors’ understandings of and responses to the conflict were investigated by means of semi-structured interviews, observations, discourse analysis of policy documents, analysis of secondary data, and draw heavily on the experience of the author, a citizen and youth worker of Rosario. The actors examined were the police, the local government, young delinquents and youth organisations. Youth criminality is analysed from a conflict transformation approach using conflict analysis tools. Whereas, the provincial police understand the issue as a delinquency problem, other actors perceive it as an expression of a wider urban social conflict between those that are “included” and those that are “excluded” and as one of the negative effects of globalisation processes. The results suggest that police responses addressing only direct violence are ineffective, even contributing to increased tensions and polarisation, whereas strategies addressing cultural and structural violence are more suitable for this type of social urban conflict. Finally, recommendations for local youth policy are proposed to facilitate participation and inclusion of youth and as a tool for peaceful conflict transformation.
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Evolutionary theory predicts that individuals, in order to increase their relative fitness, can evolve behaviours that are detrimental for the group or population. This mismatch is particularly visible in social organisms. Despite its potential to affect the population dynamics of social animals, this principle has not yet been applied to real-life conservation. Social group structure has been argued to stabilize population dynamics due to the buffering effects of nonreproducing subordinates. However, competition for breeding positions in such species can also interfere with the reproduction of breeding pairs. Seychelles magpie robins, Copsychus sechellarum, live in social groups where subordinate individuals do not breed. Analysis of long-term individual-based data and short-term behavioural observations show that subordinates increase the territorial takeover frequency of established breeders. Such takeovers delay offspring production and decrease territory productivity. Individual-based simulations of the Seychelles magpie robin population parameterized with the long-term data show that this process has significantly postponed the recovery of the species from the Critically Endangered status. Social conflict thus can extend the period of high extinction risk, which we show to have population consequences that should be taken into account in management programmes. This is the first quantitative assessment of the effects of social conflict on conservation.
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Polarization indices presented up to now have only focused their attention on the distribution of income/wealth. However, in many circumstances income is not the only relevant dimension that might be the cause of social conflict, so it is very important to have a social polarization index able to cope with alternative dimensions. In this paper we present an axiomatic characterization of one of such indices: it has been obtained as an extension of the (income) polarization measure introduced in Duclos, Esteban and Ray (2004) to a wider domain. It turns out that the axiomatic structure introduced in that paper alone is not appropriate to obtain a fully satisfactory characterization of our measure, so additional axioms are proposed. As a byproduct, we present an alternative axiomatization of the aforementioned income polarization measure.
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Is there a link between decentralized governance and conflict prevention? This article tries to answer the question by presenting the state of the art of the intersection of both concepts. Provided that social conflict is inevitable and given the appearance of new threats and types of violence, as well as new demands for security based on people (human security), our societies should focus on promoting peaceful changes. Through an extensive analysis of the existing literature and the study of several cases, this paper suggests that decentralized governance can contribute to these efforts by transforming conflicts, bringing about power-sharing and inclusion incentives of minority groups. Albeit the complexity of assessing its impact on conflict prevention, it can be contended that decentralized governance might have very positive effects on the reduction of causes that bring about conflicts due to its ability to foster the creation of war/violence preventors. More specifically, this paper argues that decentralization can have a positive impact on the so-called triggers and accelerators (short- and medium-term causes).
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Aproximació a la realitat, influències i expectatives dels obrers de la ciutat de Mataró, durant el darrer terç del segle XIX, basada principalment en la lectura de la premsa local de l'època. Amb la intenció d'il·lustrar les llums i ombres de la industrialització i del liberalisme econòmic en una fase incipient, a través d'un col·lectiu social representatiu.
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Social groups face a fundamental problem of overcoming selfish individuals capable of destroying cooperation. In the social amoeba Dictyostelium discoideum, there is evidence that some clones ('cheaters') contribute disproportionately to the viable spores in a fruiting body while avoiding the dead stalk cell fate. It remains unclear, however, whether this cheating is actually the product of selection. Here, I report the results of an experimental evolution study designed to test whether clones of D. discoideum will evolve resistance to cheating in the laboratory with genetic variation created only through spontaneous mutation. Two strains, one green fluorescent protein (GFP)-labelled and one wild-type, were allowed to grow and develop together before the wild-type strain was removed and replaced with a naïve strain evolving in parallel. Over the course of 10 social generations, the GFP-labelled strain reliably increased its representation in the spores relative to control populations that had never experienced the competitor. This competitive advantage extended to the non-social, vegetative growth portion of the life cycle, but not to pairwise competition with two other strains. These results indicate strong antagonism between strains, mediated by ample mutational variation for cheating and also suggest that arms races between strains in the wild may be common.
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This article was delivered as an area-paper to the Critical Political Science Meeting of Bilbao, November the 15th 2008, which was organized by the Political Science Department of the UPV (University of the Basque Country). The paper introduces an updated and synthetic version of the model designed by S.M. Lipset and S. Rokkan in 1967 in order to identify the confrontational divides distinctive of European modernization and, in this way, trace the origins of modern party systems. The expanded model proposed is applied, on the one hand, to a variety of empirical cases, prominently the postransitional Spanish case; and on the other, shows its usefulness in order to better understand the distinctive structure of the social conflict of the globalization era.
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El autor destaca en este articulo que la inmigración extracomunitaria supone para los paises de la Unión Europea una ocasión histórica en la que se pone a prueba la capacidad de las instituciones y los ciudadanos europeos para mantener la cohesión social y al mismo tiempo respetar las diferencias étnicas y culturales. Es lo que él llama formular un nuevo contrato social, en el que la inclusión social de nacionales y extranjeros conduzca a la ciudadanía compartida y la participación política, en lugar de a una integración que no es tal, sino una forma más de asimilación. En este proceso esencial a toda democracia pensada para sociedades plurales, es capital, recuerda el autor, reparar constantemente en el lenguaje utilizado y evitar 10s planteamientos dicotómicos del tipo "nosotros/ellos" que llevan en su germen los prejuicios discriminatorios y el conflicto social
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El presente articulo analiza sociológicamente la forma en que las personas que forman parte de una organización compleja reconstruyen un conflicto social interno. Ese proceso se interpreta desde la teoria freudiana del proceso de "matar al padre". Se utiliza la elaboración teórica en Totem y tabú de 1912. La segunda aplicación es a la teoria de las desorganizaciones, dentro de la Sociologia de las Organizaciones. En el análisis se utilizan transcripciones de entrevistas en grupo (10 EEP) realizadas durante un año (1993) dentro de la organización (la policia municipal de una gran ciudad española), asi como información de observación participante (OP) durante un año. El articulo analiza primero los grupos que existen dentro de la estructura actual de la organización y el tipo de conflictos que generan entre ellos. En la parte central se estudia el poder a traves de los sistemas de jerarquización, el poder de jefatura, los mandos intermedios y lo que Perrow conceptualiza como el poder de los sin poder. Se interpreta la experiencia pasada de derrocamiento del jefe como un caso de "matar al padre", analizando el conflicto actual como continuación del mismo proceso. Al no institucionalizarse el conflicto (sustituir la acción por la idea) se repite de forma simbólica el parricidio del jefe. El articulo muestra la forma en que la teoria psicoanalítica grupal se puede aplicar a las organizaciones complejas contemporáneas, permitiendo una interpretación sociológica para analizar la forma en que las personas construyen la realidad social. Muestra también la utilidad de la teoria de las desorganizaciones para el análisis de este tipo de organizaciones.