997 resultados para Ruling Class


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What is it like to be a master of the universe? The authors have researched the desires and fears of the world's most powerful men. The Murdochs, Packers, Kennedys, Agnellis and other men like them, directly determine the fates of thousands and influence the future of the world like no other people. Described as 'sacred monsters' by one of their own, they are carefully created to be what they are and to enjoy shaping the world in their own likeness. To learn about these often reclusive men, the authors extended the life-history technique to interrogate autobiographies, diaries and biographies and have created a composite picture, a collective portrait, of tycoons over three generations. The book carefully explores the childhoods, schooling, work and play, sexual activities, marriages and deaths of the wealthiest men who have ever lived. It exposes the nature of ruling-class masculinity itself.

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This study applies a Marxist theoretical paradigm to examine the working conditions of greenhouse workers in the Niagara Region, and the range of factors that bear upon the formation of their class-consciousness. The Niagara greenhouse industry represents one of the most developed horticultural regions in Canada and plays a prominent role in the local economy. The industry generates substantial revenues and employs a significant number of people, yet the greenhouse workers are paid one of the lowest rates in the region. Being classified as agricultural workers, the greenhouse employees are exempted from many provisions of federal and provincial labour regulations. Under the current provincial statutes, agricultural workers in Ontario are denied the right to organize and bargain collectively. Except for a few technical and managerial positions, the greenhouse industry employs mostly low-skilled workers who are subjected to poor working conditions that stem from the employer's attempts to adapt to larger structural imperatives of the capitalist economy. While subjected to these poor working conditions, the greenhouse workers are also affected by objectively alienated social relations and by ruling class ideological domination and hegemony. These two sets of factors arise from the inherent conflict of interests between wage-labour and capital but also militate against the development of class-consciousness. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 greenhouse workers to examine the role played by their material circumstances in the formulation of their social and political views as well as the extent to which they are aware of their class location and class interests. The hegemonic notions of 'common sense' acted as impediments to formation of classconsciousness. The greenhouse workers have virtually no opportunities to access alternative perspectives that would address the issues associated with exploitation in production and offer solutions leading to 'social justice'. Fonnidable challenges confront any organized political body seeking to improve the conditions of the working people.

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Ma thèse examine quatre romans de l`époque post-1960 qui s’appuient sur le genre de la littérature prolétarienne du début du vingtième siècle. Se basant sur les recherches récentes sur la littérature de la classe ouvrière, je propose que Pynchon, Doctorow, Ondaatje et Sweatman mettent en lumière les thèmes souvent négligés de cette classe tout en restant esthétiquement progressiste et pertinents. Afin d’explorer les aspects politiques et formels de ces romans, j’utilise la « midfiction », le concept d’Allen Wilde. Ce concept vise les textes qui utilisent les techniques postmodernes et qui acceptent la primauté de la surface, mais qui néanmoins essaient d’être référentiels et d’établir des vérités. Le premier chapitre de ma thèse propose que les romans prolétariens contemporains que j’ai choisis utilisent des stratégies narratives généralement associées avec le postmodernisme, telles que la métafiction, l’ironie et une voix narrative « incohérente », afin de contester l’autorité des discours dominants, notamment les histoires officielles qui ont tendance à minimiser l’importance des mouvements ouvriers. Le deuxième chapitre examine comment les romanciers utilisent des stratégies mimétiques afin de réaliser un facteur de crédibilité qui permet de lier les récits aux des réalités historiques concrètes. Me référant à mon argument du premier chapitre, j’explique que ces romanciers utilisent la référentialité et les voix narratives « peu fiables » et « incohérentes », afin de politiser à nouveau la lutte des classes de la fin du dix-neuvième et des premières décennies du vingtième siècles et de remettre en cause un sens strict de l’histoire empirique. Se basant sur les théories évolutionnistes de la sympathie, le troisième chapitre propose que les représentations des personnages de la classe dirigeante riche illustrent que les structures sociales de l’époque suscitent un sentiment de droit et un manque de sympathie chez les élites qui les font adopter une attitude quasi-coloniale vis-à-vis de la classe ouvrière. Le quatrième chapitre aborde la façon dont les romans en considération négocient les relations entre les classes sociales, la subjectivité et l’espace. Cette section analyse comment, d’un côté, la représentation de l’espace montre que le pouvoir se manifeste au bénéfice de la classe dirigeante, et de l’autre, comment cet espace est récupéré par les ouvriers radicaux et militants afin d’avancer leurs intérêts. Le cinquième chapitre explore comment les romans néo-prolétariens subvertissent ironiquement les tropes du genre prolétarien précédent, ce qui exprimerait l’ambivalence politique et le cynisme généralisé de la fin du vingtième siècle.

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The geographical proximity and socioeconomic dependence on the United States brought about a deep rooted anglicization of the Cuban Spanish lexis and social strata, especially throughout the Neocolonial period (1902–1959). This study is based on the revision of a renowned newspaper of that time, Diario de la Marina, and the corresponding elaboration of a corpus of English-induced loanwords. Diario de la Marina particularly targeted upper social class, and only crónicas sociales (society pages’ columns) and print advertising were revised because of their fully descriptive texts, which encoded the ruling class ideology and consumerism. The findings show that there existed a high number of lexical and cultural anglicisms in the sociolect in question, and that the sociolinguistic anglicization was openly embraced by the upper socioeconomic stratum, entailing a differentiating sign of sophistication and social stratification. Likewise, a number of the anglicisms collected, particularly those related with social events, are unused in contemporary Cuban Spanish, which suggests a major semantic shifting in this sociolect after 1959.

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In 1999 I convened Industrial Relations, the annual ADSA Conference hosted by QUT in Brisbane. This event was promoted as ‘a conference exploring the links between theatre scholarship and professional theatre practice’. As well as academics, there was to be substantial representation by ‘industry professionals’, although interest from the latter category turned out to be modest. One day of the conference was designated a special ‘Links with Industry’ day, during which the Association launched its now defunct ADSAIL (ADSA Industry Links) initiative. Keynote speaker Wesley Enoch commented on ‘the very strong resistance in “the industry” to acknowledging any role of academics’. ‘What is the practical role of having them?’ he asked the ‘them’ gathered before him. In a letter declining our invitation to speak (he later changed his mind), David Williamson remarked that he always felt ‘uneasy at such conferences’: My view of my work is that I’ve successfully filled theatres for 30 years now, something dramatists are supposed to do. I suppose there’s part of me that hopes this will be celebrated. It often is, but rarely in academic drama departments …. Perhaps in fifty years time someone in academe will realise that I wasn’t just reinforcing the attitudes of the Anglo Celtic ruling class. Several years on it seems timely to revisit Industrial Relations; to look again at the extent to which problems of intercultural communication between industry and academy are being addressed. And what are the implications of this for the ADSA History project, which seeks to investigate ADSA’s contribution to the development of theatre / performance studies in Australasia? What are the ‘external’ impacts of ADSA’s ongoing conference enterprise, and how might these be measured? Reflections from delegates on these and other questions will be warmly encouraged.

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The concept of ‘power’ can refer to the institutionalised and embodied capacity and right to dominate through a variety of means including ideology, politics, science, religion, class, race, gender and sexuality. Early feminist theorising within the West, for example, conceptualised the structure and nature of power as being connected to male domination and authority within society. Marxists, alternately, argue it is the ruling class that holds power and exercises it as owners of the means of production. In a general sense, we can say that as feminists have tied power to patriarchy and Marxists’ definitions of power have been connected to capitalism. The essays in this section, though, are less concerned with such totalising conceptualisations of power than they are with processes of interpellation or subject creation within dominant or dominating discursive spaces.1 Not power as such, but its many workings and apparatuses.

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Resumen: El artículo trata sobre la formación de una fracción de la elite dirigente porteña en el paso del siglo xix al xx. La carrera de derecho siempre estuvo ligada al poder político y a la formación de la clase dirigente porteña. A través de los discursos de colación de grados de los doctores en jurisprudencia se busca indagar en los aspectos que los propios actores rescataban de su formación académica y su función social. Esta mirada tiene como objetivo destacar el rol de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de Buenos Aires como canal de acceso privilegiado a la clase dirigente. Al tiempo se intenta observar como la preparación brindada en sus aulas no buscaba necesariamente la formación para el desempeño de la profesión de abogados sino que estaba orientada a la formación de dirigentes políticos.

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Dueños de un discurso contestatario y crítico, pero a la vez formativo y comprometido con el hombre trabajador como centro de sus proyectos, el principal objetivo del movimiento anarquista argentino fue impugnar, cuestionar y contradecir el discurso oficialista. Una de las tácticas que utilizaron los militantes libertarios fue la propaganda por el hecho o acción directa, como denominaremos los actos terroristas ácratas. Si bien en la Argentina encontramos una importante literatura libertaria con un lenguaje perturbador y radicalizado, los sucesos violentos fueron aislados, aunque no por ello dejaron de preocupar tanto a la clase dirigente como a la sociedad en general, que llegó a identificar al militante ácrata con un criminal y lo transformó en un problema de higiene y seguridad pública. Esta situación, sumada no sólo al tenor violento que caracterizó los conflictos laborales, sino también a las noticias nada tranquilizadoras que llegaban de Europa, donde una ola de atentados sacudió la opinión pública, provocaron un pánico exagerado en los distintos ambientes sociales. La consecuencia directa fue la celebración del Centenario en medio de una oleada de huelgas, protestas y con declaración del estado de sitio.

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O recrutamento militar para a Marinha de Guerra brasileira, entre 1822 a 1870, foi marcado por importantes mudanças políticas no Império. Foi um fenômeno social, parte integrante, da constituição da classe dirigente do período, a classe senhorial, e do Estado Imperial. O recrutamento tinha por regulamento a lei de 10 de julho de 1822 que liberava do tributo, os trabalhadores empregados nas principais atividades econômicas, além daqueles que estava sob a proteção de algum poder local. Essas condições deixavam a prestação do serviço aos desempregados, vadios, desvalidos e criminosos, fazendo que a Marinha cumprisse um papel também prisional, em eu castigos físicos era a regra de punição. A Marinha de Guerra, após os primeiros anos da independência dependeu enormemente do engajamento de estrangeiros. Na Regência, surgiram as primeiras ações para a nacionalização da força armada, com o recrutamento de menores e indígenas. Em 1840, no início do Segundo Reinado, foi criado o Corpo de Imperiais Marinheiros, que expandiu-se pelo Brasil, a partir de 1855. Essas ações representaram iniciativas de instrução para a profissionalização dos marinheiros brasileiros no Império.

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Este trabalho tem por objetivo conhecer, na visão da militância com atuação no setor saúde no âmbito do Estado do Rio Janeiro, as perspectivas para a ampliação e qualificação da participação social no SUS, considerando a contribuição das políticas da SEGEP/MS para a democratização das políticas públicas de saúde. Parte do conceito de Estado e sociedade civil do liberal Hobbes, buscando a evolução histórica dos termos até os marxistas, com especial atenção ao conceito de Estado ampliado de Gramsci. A concepção gramsciana nos ajuda a compreender o processo de desenvolvimento da sociedade civil brasileira e a relação de nosso objeto de estudo com o Estado. Consultando as Portarias de criação e os relatórios de gestão da SGEP/MS, construímos nossa base documental que, confrontada com os depoimentos de militantes do setor saúde que atuam no Estado do Rio de Janeiro, subsidiaram nosso estudo. Nossas considerações finais apontam para as contradições típicas de um governo de coalizão, composto por frações da classe subalterna que negociam o poder com a classe dominante.

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Rendle, Matthew, 'The Symbolic Revolution: The Russian Nobility and February 1917', Revolutionary Russia (2005) 18(1) pp.23-46 RAE2008

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In this study, I build upon my previous research in which I focus on religious doctrine as a gendered disciplinary apparatus, and examine the witch trials in early modem England and Italy in light of socio-economic issues relating to gender and class. This project examines the witch hunts/trials and early modem visual representations of witches, and what I suggest is an attempt to create docile bodies out of members of society who are deemed unruly, problematic and otherwise 'undesirable'; it is the witch's body that is deemed counternormative. This study demonstrates that it is neighbours and other acquaintances of accused witches that take on the role of the invisible guard of Bantham's Panoptic on. As someone who is trained in the study of English literature and literary theory, my approach is one that is informed by this methodology. It is my specialization in early modem British literature that first exposed me to witch-hunting manuals and tales of the supernatural, and it is for this reason that my research commences with a study of representations of witches and witchcraft in early modem England. From my initial exposure to such materials I proceed to examine the similarities and the differences of the cultural significance of the supernatural vis-a.-vis women's activities in early modem Italy. The subsequent discussion of visual representations of witches involves a predominance of Germanic artists, as the seminal work on the discernment of witches and the application of punishment known as the Malleus Meleficarum, was written in Germany circa 1486. Textual accounts of witch trials such as: "A Pitiless Mother (1616)," "The Wonderful Discovery of the Witchcrafts of Margaret and Philippa Flower (1619)," "Magic and Poison: The Trial ofChiaretta and Fedele (circa 1550)", and the "The Case of Benvegnuda Pincinella: Medicine Woman or Witch (1518),"and witchhunting manuals such as the Malleus Melejicarum and Strix will be put in direct dialogue with visual representations of witches in light of historical discourses pertaining to gender performance and gendered expectations. Issues relating to class will be examined as they pertain to the material conditions of presumed witches. The dominant group in any temporal or geographic location possesses the tools of representation. Therefore, it is not surprising that the physical characteristics, sexual habits and social material conditions that are attributed to suspected witches are attributes that can be deemed deviant by the ruling class. The research will juxtapose the social material conditions of suspected witches with the guilt, anxiety, and projection of fear that the dominant groups experienced in light of the changing economic landscape of the Renaissance. The shift from feudalism to primitive accumulation, and capitalism saw a rise in people living in poverty and therefore an increased dependence upon the good will of others. I will discuss the social material conditions of accused witches as informed by what Robyn Wiegman terms a "minoritizing discourse" (210). People of higher economic standing often blamed their social, medical, and/or economic difficulties on the less fortunate, resulting in accusations of witchcraft.

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El territorio, como una representación de la sociedad, manifiesta relaciones poder y situaciones de confrontación entre las clases sociales que lo habitan, consolidando escenarios funcionales a éstas. A continuación se analiza la forma en la que incide la producción social del territorio en el ordenamiento territorial, en el caso de la transformación del Parque de la 93. La ordenación del territorio no surge de manera espontánea, sino que responde a unos intereses por localizar espacios de producción y consumo para incidir directamente en el proceso de acumulación de capital. Se utiliza el materialismo histórico como la herramienta fundamental de análisis, pues éste ubica la lucha de clases en el centro de la discusión, expresando la relación entre los intereses de la clase dominante respecto a un territorio y las necesidades de ordenamiento territorial para construir espacios que propicien la acumulación de capital.

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RESUMO: Este estudo tem como propósito compreender as ideologias, os valores, as representações sociais e os estereótipos difundidos pelos manuais escolares de Língua Portuguesa. Para atingirmos esta finalidade procedemos, inicialmente, à definição do corpus e, em seguida, à análise de conteúdo dos textos de sete manuais, do 7º ano de escolaridade, ainda em vigor. A análise dos mesmos foi realizada a partir de oito categorias que estabelecemos após uma leitura flutuante: família, religião, educação, amor, amizade, ética ambiental, poder e sonho. Os dados recolhidos foram trabalhados quantitativa e qualitativamente de acordo com a metodologia proposta por Lawrence Bardin (1997). Os manuais escolares estudados evidenciaram-se detentores de paradigmas ideológicos repressivos e homogéneos assim como reprodutores de valores tradicionalistas implícitos que visam a consubstanciação de uma mundividência ocidental que luta pela inalterabilidade das relações de género, dos valores morais, éticos e religiosos que prevalecem na sociedade e servem os desígnios da classe dominante. Confidentes de um poder simbólico que os caracteriza os manuais escolares visam a conservação das relações sociais e a sua unificação, ignorando a diversidade cultural, o multiculturalismo e as relações interculturais inerentes ao mundo social. ABSTRACT: This study aims to understand the ideologies, values, social representations and stereotypes disseminated by the Portuguese language textbooks. To achieve this purpose we began by defining the corpus and then we analyzed the content of seven 7th grade textbooks still in use. The analysis was done in eight categories established from an initial reading: family, religion, education, love, friendship, environmental ethics, power and dream. The data collected was analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively according to the methodology proposed by Lawrence Bardin (1997). The textbooks studied contained repressive and homogeneous ideological paradigms, as well as traditionalist implicit breeding values which pursue the implementation of a Western worldview that struggles to maintain both gender relations and moral, ethical and religious values that prevail in society and serve the ambitions of the ruling class. Confident of a symbolic power that characterize school textbooks, they aim to preserve social relationships and their unification, ignoring cultural diversity, multiculturalism and the intercultural relations that exist in the social world.