The Evolution of a Responsibility to Protect in Africa : The African Unions Emerging Peace and Security Regime

The thesis focuses on, and tries to evaluate, the role that the African Union (AU) plays in protecting the peace and security on the African continent. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the topic by both utilizing international relations and international law theories. The two disciplines are combined in an attempt to understand the evolution of the AU’s commitment to the pragmatist doctrine: responsibility to protect (R2P). The AU charter is considered to be the first international law document to cover R2P as it allows the AU to interfere in the internal affairs of its member states. The R2P doctrine was evolved around the notion of a need to arrive at a consensus in regard to the right to intervene in the face of humanitarian emergencies. A part of the post-Cold War shift in UN behaviour has been to support local solutions to local problems. Hereby the UN acts in collaboration with regional organizations, such as the AU, to achieve the shared aspirations to maintain international peace and security without getting directly involved on the ground. The R2P takes a more holistic and long-term approach to interventions by including an awareness of the need to address the root causes of the crisis in order to prevent future resurrections of conflicts. The doctrine also acknowledges the responsibility of the international community and the intervening parties to actively participate in the rebuilding of the post-conflict state. This requires sustained and well planned support to ensure the development of a stable society.While the AU is committed to implementing R2P, many of the AU’s members are struggling, both ideologically and practically, to uphold the foundations on which legitimate intervention rests, such as the protection of human rights and good governance. The fact that many members are also among the poorest countries in the world adds to the challenges facing the AU. A lack of human and material resources leads to a situation where few countries are willing, or able, to support a long-term commitment to humanitarian interventions. Bad planning and unclear mandates also limit the effectiveness of the interventions. This leaves the AU strongly dependent on regional powerbrokers such as Nigeria and South Africa, which in itself creates new problems in regard to the motivations behind interventions. The current AU charter does not provide sufficient checks and balances to ensure that national interests are not furthered through humanitarian interventions. The lack of resources within the AU also generates worries over what pressure foreign nations and other international actors apply through donor funding. It is impossible for the principle of “local solutions for local problems? to gain ground while this donor conditionality exists.The future of the AU peace and security regime is not established since it still is a work in progress. The direction that these developments will take depends on a wide verity of factors, many of which are beyond the immediate control of the AU.

Responsibility to protect or Trojan Horse? The crisis in darfur and humanitarian intervention after Iraq

What does the world's engagement with the unfolding crisis in Darfur tell us about the impact of the Iraq war on the norm of humanitarian intervention? Is a global consensus about a "responsibility to protect" more or less likely? There are at least three potential answers to these questions. Some argue that the merging of strategic interests and humanitarian goods amplified by the intervention in Afghanistan makes it more likely that the world's most powerful states will act to prevent or halt humanitarian crises. Others insist that the widespread perception that the United States and its allies "abused" humanitarian justifications to legitimate its invasion of Iraq has set back efforts to build a global consensus about humanitarian action. A third group argues that the "responsibility to protect" inhibits the potential for abuse and, as a result, consensus is likely to strengthen post-Iraq for precisely this reason. Through a detailed study of the international engagement with Darfur, I suggest that the latter two arguments have merit but need to be adjusted. I argue that the humanitarian intervention norm has changed in two subtle ways. First, while the strength of the norm itself has not changed, the credibility of the United States and U.K. as "norm carriers" has been significantly undermined. Second, while the "responsibility to protect" has been invoked to support international activism, it has also re-legitimated anti-interventionist arguments.

The responsibility to protect and the crisis in Darfur

Governments that have endorsed the 'sovereignty as responsibility' approach have shown little inclination to protect civilians suffering at the hands of their own government in the Sudanese province of Darfur. After providing an overview of Darfur's crisis and international society's feeble response, we explore why the strongest advocates of 'sovereignty as responsibility', the NATO and EU states, failed to seriously contemplate military intervention. We suggest that three main factors help explain the West's unwillingness to intervene in Darfur: increased scepticism about the West's humanitarian interventionism, especially after the invasion of Iraq; Western strategic interests in Sudan; and the relationship between the crisis in Darfur and Sudan's other civil wars. We conclude that the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention remains weak and strongly contested, and that advocates of the 'responsibility to protect' approach have yet to persuade their governments to help save populations in danger.

Whither the responsibility to protect? Humanitarian intervention and the 2005 World Summit

At the 2005 World Summit, the world's leaders committed themselves to the "responsibility to protect", recognizing both that all states have a responsibility to protect their citizens from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and that the UN should help states to discharge this responsibility using either peaceful means or enforcement action. This declaration ostensibly marks an important milestone in the relationship between sovereignty and human rights but its critics argue that it will make little difference in practice to the world's most threatened people. The purpose of this article is to ask how consensus was reached on the responsibility to protect, given continuing hostility to humanitarian intervention expressed by many (if not most) of the world's states and whether the consensus will contribute to avoiding future Kosovos (cases where the Security Council is deadlocked in the face of a humanitarian crises) and future Rwandas (cases where states lack the political will to intervene). It suggests that four key factors contributed to the consensus: pressure from proponents of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, its adoption by Kofi Annan and the UN's High Level Panel, an emerging consensus in the African Union, and the American position. Whilst these four factors contributed to consensus, each altered the meaning of the responsibility to protect in important ways, creating a doctrine that many states can sign up to but that does little to prevent future Kosovos and Rwandas and may actually inhibit attempts to build a consensus around intervention in future cases.

The R2P is Dead, Long Live the R2P: The Successful Separation of Military Intervention from the Responsibility to Protect’

Roland Paris is one of those authors whose work is always enjoyable, as he exploits so well the gap between the policy world and academia. His best work reveals a high level of policy insight often before many of his colleagues in academia have caught up. His secret is an ability to analyse the shifting understandings at policy level and to then articulate them in academic terms as if critiquing current policies. This enables his work to be both popular with policy-makers and with their erstwhile critics in academia. His 2004 monograph, At War’s End, captured the shift from peacekeeping intervention and ‘early exit’ to the extended remits of international statebuilding (‘Institutionalization before Liberalization’). It provided a wonderful rationalisation of policy shifts that had already occurred in the late 1990s, starting with the extension of international mandates in Bosnia, from 1996 onwards, and further developed with the Kosovo protectorate in 1999. However, this shift was skilfully reposed as a critique of existing policy-understandings.

The responsibility to record civilian casualties

The responsibility to record civilian casualties in both armed conflict and civil disturbances must be an integral element of the responsibility to protect, particularly in the application of the just cause principles. The first part of this article examines the threshold issue of the possibility of large-scale civilian casualties which triggers the international community’s responsibility to react. The reports recommending the responsibility to protect emphasise the need to establish the actuality or risk of ‘large scale’ loss of life which is not possible in the current context without a civilian casualty recording structure. The second part of the article outlines the international legal obligation to record civilian casualties based on international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Thirdly, the responsibility to protect and the legal obligation to record casualties are brought together within the framework of Ban Ki-moon’s reports on implementation of the Responsibility to Protect. The fourth and final part of the article reviews the situations in Sri Lanka and Syria. Both states represent egregious examples of governments hiding the existence of casualties, resulting in paralysis within the international community. These situations establish, beyond doubt, that the national obligation to record civilian casualties must be part and parcel of the responsibility to protect.

Dormancy as exaptation to protect mimetic seeds against deterioration before dispersal

Mimetic seeds simulate the appearance of fleshy fruits and arilled seeds without producing nutritive tissues as a reward for seed dispersers. In this strategy of seed dispersal, seeds may remain attached to the mother plant for long periods after maturity, increasing their availability to naive seed dispersers. The hypothesis that seed coat impermeability in many tropical Fabaceae with mimetic seeds serves as an exaptation to protect the seeds from deterioration and rotting while awaiting dispersal was investigated. Seed coat impermeability was evaluated in five mimetic-seeded species of tropical Fabaceae in south-eastern Brazil (Abarema langsdorffii, Abrus precatorius, Adenanthera pavonina, Erythrina velutina and Ormosia arborea) and in Erythrina speciosa, a `basal` species in its genus, which has monochromatic brown seeds and no mimetic displays. Seed hardness was evaluated as a defence against accelerated ageing (humid chamber at 41 degrees C for 144 h). Seed development and physiological potential of O. arborea was evaluated and the effect of holding mature seeds in pods on the mother plant in the field for a period of 1 year under humid tropical conditions was compared with seeds stored under controlled conditions (15 degrees C and 40 % relative air humidity). All five mimetic-seeded species, and E. speciosa, showed strong coat impermeability, which protected the seeds against deterioration in accelerated ageing. Most O. arborea seeds only became dormant 2 months after pod dehiscence. Germination of seeds after 1 year on the plant in a humid tropical climate was 56 %, compared with 80 % for seeds stored in controlled conditions (15 degrees C, 45 % relative humidity). Seedling shoot length after 1 year did not differ between seed sources. Dormancy acts in mimetic-seeded species as an exaptation to reduce seed deterioration, allowing an increase in their effective dispersal period and mitigating the losses incurred by low removal rates by naive avian frugivores.

Behaviour of caregivers to protect their infants from exposure to the sun in Queensland, Australia.

Exposure to the sun by infants has been demonstrated to increase the risk of the development of melanoma and other skin cancers later in life. A cohort of 508 women who delivered healthy Caucasian babies were followed up at 1 year to determine their knowledge, attitudes and practices regarding sun protection towards themselves and their child. In addition, the 1-year-old infants were assessed by a trained nurse for the number of nevi they had on their skin. Results indicate caregivers reported a high level of sun-protection practices towards their child, with 93% of the caregivers reporting usually or always placing the child in the shade when going outside. Further, 81% of the caregivers reported usually or always placing a hat on the child, while 64% reported usually or always applying sunscreen to the child's exposed skin. Interestingly, only 61% of the caregivers reported that they stayed in the shade to reduce sun exposure and only 42% wore a hat when out in the sun. Mother's own personal sun-protection methods predicted the method of sun protection that she would most likely use for the child. While children appear to be reasonably protected from the sun, they are influenced by their mother's own behaviors.

COAC "To Protect and to Serve" the separate representation of children in private law proceedings (PDF 379 KB)

Children Order Advisory Committee discussion paper on separate representation of children in private law proceedings

Generating Brand Equity through Corporate Social Responsibility to Key Stakeholders

In this paper we argue that socially responsible policies have a positive impact on a firm's brand equity in the short-term as well as in the long-term. Moreover, once we distinguish between different stakeholders, we posit that secondary stakeholders such as community are even more important than primary stakeholders (customers, shareholders, workers and suppliers) in generating brand equity. Policies aimed at satisfied community interests act as a mechanism to reinforce trust that gives further credibility to social responsible polices with other stakeholders. The result is a decrease in conflicts among stakeholders and greater stakeholder willingness to provide intangible resources that enhance brand equity. We provide support of our theoretical contentions making use of a panel data composed of 57 firms from 10 countries (the US, Japan, South Korea, France, the UK, Italy, Germany, Finland, Switzerland and the Netherlands) for the period 2002 to 2007. We use detailed information on brand equity obtained from Interbrand and on corporate social responsibility (CSR) provided by the SiRi Global Profile database, as compiled by the Sustainable Investment Research International Company (SiRi).

Generating global brand equity through corporate social responsibility to key stakeholders

In this paper we argue that corporate social responsibility (CSR) to various stakeholders(customers, shareholders, employees, suppliers, and community) has a positive effect on globalbrand equity (BE). In addition, policies aimed at satisfying community interests help reinforcecredibility to social responsible polices with other stakeholders. We test these theoreticalcontentions using panel data comprised of 57 global brands originating from 10 countries (USA,Japan, South Korea, France, UK, Italy, Germany, Finland, Switzerland and the Netherlands) forthe period 2002 to 2008. Our findings show that CSR to each of the stakeholder groups has apositive impact on global BE. In addition, global brands that follow local social responsibilitypolicies over communities obtain strong positive benefits in terms of the generation of BE, as itenhances the positive effects of CSR to other stakeholders, particularly to customers. Therefore,for managers of global brands it is particularly productive for generating brand value to combineglobal strategies with the satisfaction of the interests of local communities.

Mécanisme moléculaire de protection des HDLs contre le stress du réticulum endoplasmique dans la cellule beta pancréatique. [Molecular mechanisms of HDLs to protect against the endoplasmic reticulum stress in pancreatic beta cell.]

Introduction: Les particules de HDL (High Density Lipoproteins) ont des fonctions très diverses notamment anti-inflamatoires, anti-apoptotiques ou anti-oxydatives. Chez les patients diabétiques, les niveaux de HDLs sont bas, les prédisposants ainsi à un risque élévé à développer une maladie cardiovasculaire. Sachant que le s HDLs ont également un effet protecteur sur la cellule beta, le but de cette étude est dinvestigué les mécanismes moléculaires de cette protection contre le stress du réticulum, stress qui contriubue au développement du diabéte de type 2. Résultats: La thapsigargine et la tunicamycine induisent lapoptose en induisant un stress dans le réticulum endoplasmique (RE) par un mauvais repliement des protéines dans le RE, ainsi que l'activation de l'UPR (Unfolded Protein Respons) avec trois voies communes de signalisation intracellulaire (IRE1, PREK et ATF6). Ces voix veillent tout d'abord à augmenter la capacité de repliement des protéines et le cas échéant à lapoptose. Nos résultats montrent que les HDLs sont capable d'inhuber lapoptose induite par la thapsigargine et la tunicamycine dans les MIN6. Dans le cas du traitement avec la thapsigargine, plusieurs marqueurs des voix UPR sont bloqués en présence des HDLs, suggérant que l'effet anti-apoptotiques des HDLs s'exerce au niveau ou en amont du RE. Les HDLS par contre ne bloquent par la sortie de calcium du RE induite par la thapsigargine ce qui indique que les HDLs n'interfèrent pas avec l'action de cette drogue sur sa cible (SERCA). Dans le cas de la la tunicamycine, les HDLs ne bloquent pas, ou très légèrement, l'activation des voix de l'UPR. La protection induite par les HDLs contre la mort engendrée par la tunicamycine s'sexerce dont apparement en aval de l'UPR et reste à être déterminer. Conclusions: Nos données suggérent que les HDLs sont capable de protéger la cellule beta contre le stress du réticulum mais apparement de façon différente selon les modalités d'inductions de ce stress.