872 resultados para Relocation (Housing)
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Issued Sept. 1979.
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On cover: PB 190 288.
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Caption title.
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This study describes relocation experiences of older people moving to supported housing in Scotland focusing on the nature of support. Using mixed methods, Phase one involved a Scottish cross-sectional survey of all people aged 65 and over moving into Coburg (Scotland) Housing Association supported accommodation during the first six months of 2008. A total of 122 respondents were included in the survey (59% response rate). People moved locally at advanced ages with moderate disability levels to achieve more manageable housing and support, suggesting ‘assistance migration’. Expectations were high, with many seeing it as a new start in life and generally positive views of moving were reported. In Phase two, five in-depth multiple-perspective longitudinal case studies were conducted to explore the experience of relocation into supported housing. In each case an older person, primary carer and the housing manager - all women – were interviewed over six months following relocation. Analysis was undertaken using a thematic framework approach (Ritchie et al., 2003). Findings suggested older women acted with agency to adapt to their new lives; recreating ‘normality’ through organising space and routines. It is argued that returning to normality formed the overarching objective of the older women as they sought to feel ‘in place’. Responsibilities for meeting assistance needs were often implicit, contested and shifting, leading to fragile, uncertain and transitory arrangements. Drawing on recent advances in developmental psychology it is argued ‘longings’ of older people, and others, to achieve an optimal life can relate and motivate towards actions such as relocation. Yet, personal ‘longings’ can be prioritised differently and may result in disputes over goal setting and ways needs are met. Further, utopian ideals must be reconciled with the reality of daily life. Policy and practitioners could adopt broader, dignity based objectives to assist older people to identify ways of aiding such reconciliation.
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The following activities are specifically identified as ineligible. 1. Construction of buildings, or portions thereof, used predominantly for the general conduct of government (e.g., city halls, courthouses, jails, police stations). 2. General government expenses. 3. Costs of operating and maintaining public facilities and services (e.g., mowing parks, replacing street light bulbs). 4. Servicing or refinancing of existing debt.
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The following activities are specifically identified as ineligible. 1. Construction of buildings, or portions thereof, used predominantly for the general conduct of government (e.g., city halls, courthouses, jails, police stations). 2. General government expenses. 3. Costs of operating and maintaining public facilities and services (e.g., mowing parks, replacing street light bulbs). 4. Servicing or refinancing of existing debt.
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Housing affordability is gaining increasing prominence in the Australian socioeconomic landscape, despite strong economic growth and prosperity. It is a major consideration for any new development. However, it is multi-dimensional, has many facets, is complex and interwoven. One factor widely held to impact housing affordability is holding costs. Although it is only one contributor, the nature and extent of its impact requires clarification. It is certainly more multifarious than simple calculation of the interest or opportunity cost of land holding. For example, preliminary analysis suggests that even small shifts in the regulatory assessment period can significantly affect housing affordability. Other costs associated with “holding” also impact housing affordability, however these costs cannot always be easily identified. Nevertheless it can be said that ultimately the real impact is felt by those whom can least afford it - new home buyers whom can be relatively easily pushed into the realms of un-affordability.