Chinese Communist world outlook : views on relations with the Soviet Union and the Soviet bloc /

Quotations from Chinese Cummunist sources, augmented by comments of Soviet or Comintern leaders.

An Asian alternative? Russia's chances of making Asia an alternative to relations with the West. OSW Point of View, June 2008

Under Vladimir Putin's rule, Russia consistently and systematically expanded its activity in Asia, establishing closer political contacts with key countries in the region, rebuilding relations with former allies from Soviet times, and strengthening its presence in the Asian markets, in the energy sphere also. These activities were accompanied by intensive Russian propaganda, the message of which was that relations with the West can be restricted in favour of developing closer relations with Asian states. A justified question concerning the Russian Federation's realistic possibilities arises in this context: To what extent can it make Asia an alternative to theWest in geopolitical, economic and energy terms? Can Russia build an anti-Western alliance with Asian states? Is it able to reduce its dependence on the European market by developing its trade with Asia? Is it possible to redirect a substantial portion of Russian energy resource exports onto Asian markets? A presentation of the existing ties between Russia and theWest (here considered as the USA and the EU) will serve as a starting point for answering these questions. The following chapters will analyse Russia's opportunities in Asia in terms of geopolitical issues, the economy and energy

Macau in China's relations with the lusophone world

After the transfer of the Portuguese administration to China, Macau kept its role as a bridge between East and West, inspired in the Portuguese settlement 500 years ago. The pragmatism of the Chinese central government, using the Lusophone specificities of this Special Administrative Region, supported the creation of the Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and the Portuguese-speaking Countries, reviving the statute of the Portuguese language and culture in its own territory.

The evolution of universities' relations with the business sector in Brazil: What national publications between 1980 and 2012 reveal

ABSTRACT This paper addresses the changes in university-industry relations in Brazil regarding innovation activities. It is based on a survey of articles published in major national journals or presented at the most relevant Brazilian and regional conferences, between 1980 and 2012. The year 1980 was chosen due to the creation of the Technological Innovation Offices (NITs), which was the first government initiative to encourage knowledge transfer from universities to companies; the second was the Innovation Act of 2004. Our assumption was that after the Act the number of academic papers on this subject would increase, bringing new ideas and propositions of models to enhance this relationship. The methodology employed a qualitative, exploratory approach, using bibliographical research and a bibliometric analysis of 247 papers. Literature review of international studies shows the discussion of problems and suggestions for improvements, while in Brazil there is still a debate on whether this collaboration should occur, and if this is a legitimate role for the university. Despite the numerical growth, the content analysis showed few papers on new configurations and procedures for partnership management. We conclude that university-industry relations are not a regular and totally accepted process in Brazilian public universities, which reflect an ideological bias against cooperation with firms.

The People's Republic of China and her relations with the countries of the association of Southeast Asian nations : 1969-1975

Phe Ihesis examines the evolution of the -policies of the People fs Jtenublie of China towards J?hail°nd, PTal ysia, Singapore, Iidonesia pad the Philip-pines, organised in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from 1969 to 1975• 2ze first central point of this study is an *ir sumption that the foreign relations of The People's Tepublic of Chi la Towards Southeast ^sia have been motivated by a dynamic interplay of t^o main factors: (1) Farxist-Leninist ideology and ICao J^e-tung Ph^ught, which dictate to China to behave as a revolutionary Dover vhich must assist the insurgent movements in the area in their strug fle to overthrow the local governments; (2) national interest, vhich demands of China to safeguard the southern flank of her territory bordering on Southerst 'sia through Friendly relations, trade and ot*»er conventional inrtniments of diplomacy. hile the tvo main motive factors are nuTually antagonistic and exclusivet the Chinere leaders are nevertheless at te mi ting to oring them iirco a coherent policy under Mao's theory of tve {hniity of op-nosites," vhich believes that it is -possible to reconcile these co-posing tendencies into a dynamic enuibrium through vhich both opnosites could be promoted at the same time although not to the same extent* la other words, the Chinese leaders conceive the dynamic equilibrium as a continuum between them in a mix in which one or the other orientation predominates in different •periods* Bins we might see China1 s conduct motivated in one period by mostly ideological considerations at the expense of the staire-to-state relations, then ve might see her policy in the middle of the continuum and suf ering from immo bill sine and just muddling through, or finally ?fe might see her emphasising friendly ties at the expense of support of revolutionary movements at the other extreme -point of the spectrum* !fhe mechanism vhich enables Peking to move from one pole to the other of the spectrum is activated by the following elementsJ (1) the result of an internal power struggle within the leadership in Peking between ideologically radical and moderate elements, which enables the victorious faction to initiate nev policies; (2) Peking's assessment of the changing intentions and capabilities of the major powers in the area; (3) internal changes within the countries of the area and the changing attitudes of their governments towards China; (4) changing fortunes of revolutionary movements operating in the area* 'Phe second major point of this study is an assertion that while China's conduct toward Southeast *lsia after her foundation in 1949 was primarily based upon ideological considerations, the beginning of the seventies saw the national interest reasserting itself as the leading motive factor* Thus China talks with her neighbours in Southeast asia in terms of relevance of fllong historical ties," casting herself into the role of a benevolent "older brother11 who is entitled to reopect and deference in exchange for patronage and protection* Hence the traditional echoes of the past are emerging ever stronger and influencing her postures towards the region, while the open support to revolutionary moevments is underplayed at the moment.

The form and function of aggressive subtypes: Relations with the goodness of fit between adolescent temperament and parent personality

The current research investigated whether the interaction between adolescent temperament and parent personality, consistent with the goodness of fit perspective, differentially predicted overt (e.g., kicking, punching, insulting) and relational (e.g., gossiping, rumour spreading, ostracising) forms of reactive (e.g., provoked, a response to goal blocking, unplanned and emotional) and proactive (e.g., unprovoked, goal-directed, deliberate and relatively unemotional) aggression. Mothers, fathers and their adolescent child (N = 448, age 10-17) from southern Ontario, Canada filled out questionnaires on adolescent temperament (i.e., frustration, fear, and effortful control) and aggression. Parents reported on their own personality traits (i.e., agreeableness, conscientiousness, and emotional stability). The form and function of aggression not encompassed by the subtype under investigation were controlled in each regression analysis. Consistent with the hypothesis, results indicated that a poor fit between adolescent temperament vulnerabilities and lower parent personality traits, including agreeableness, conscientiousness and emotional stability, was predictive of greater levels of differentiated aggression. For instance, lower father conscientiousness strengthened the relation between higher frustration and reactive overt aggression. Unexpectedly in some cases, temperament risk factors were more strongly associated with aggression subtypes when personality scores were at higher levels, particularly agreeableness and conscientiousness, traits normally considered to be at the optimal end of the dimension. For example, higher father agreeableness strengthened the relation between higher frustration and reactive relational aggression. At the main effects level, low fearfulness was significantly associated with only the overt subtypes of aggression, and unexpectedly, higher frustration and lower effortful control were related to both proactive and reactive subtypes of aggression. A temperamentally vulnerable adolescent was also at greater risk of displaying aggressive behaviour when the father lacked emotional stability, but not the mother. These results are broadly consistent with the prediction that temperament risk factors are more strongly associated with aggression subtypes when an adolescent predisposition does not fit well with parent personality traits. Mechanisms pertaining to stress in the family environment and the fostering of self-regulation abilities are discussed with respect to why a poor fit between temperament and parent personality is predictive of adolescent differentiated aggression.

Legal aspects of the Latin American public debt: relations with the commercial banks

Includes bibliography