The paradox of nationalism: the common denominator of radical right and radical left euroscepticism

What can explain the strong euroscepticism of radical parties of both the right and the left? This article argues that the answer lies in the paradoxical role of nationalism as a central element in both party families, motivating opposition towards European integration. Conventionally, the link between nationalism and euroscepticism is understood solely as a prerogative of radical right-wing parties, whereas radical left-wing euroscepticism is associated with opposition to the neoliberal character of the European Union.This article contests this view. It argues that nationalism cuts across party lines and constitutes the common denominator of both radical right-wing and radical left-wing euroscepticism. It adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining intensive case study analysis with quantitative analysis of party manifestos. First, it traces the link between nationalism and euroscepticism in Greece and France in order to demonstrate the internal validity of the argument. It then undertakes a cross-country statistical estimation to assess the external validity of the argument and its generalisability across Europe.

Radical left-wing Euroscepticism in the 2014 elections: a cross-European comparison

This article examines the varied performance of radical left-wing Eurosceptic parties during the 2014 EP elections. While the performance of the radical right during this 'earthquake' election has been widely discussed, little attention has been paid to the radical left. The article examines the result comparatively, and identifies that: (1) across Europe, radical left-wing euroscepticism is limited to few countries, including Greece, Cyprus, France and Portugal; (2) the countries that have experienced the worst of the economic crisis did not experience a significant rise in far right-wing party support but did experience the rise of left-wing euroscepticism; (3) from this sample only Greece experienced the rise of both the radical right and radical left.

A esquerda radical no período pós 2009: nada de (muito) novo em Portugal?

A crise económica que eclodiu nas democracias europeias periféricas a partir de 2009 teve, em vários países da Europa do Sul, consequências graves em termos de estabilidade governativa e dos sistemas partidários. Neste contexto, o caso português tem sido apontado como excecional, visto que o agravamento da situação económica e as suas consequências políticas não provocaram uma afirmação eleitoral sem precedentes de forças de esquerda radical (como na Espanha e na Grécia). Neste artigo, apresenta-se o panorama da esquerda radical em Portugal e procede-se à análise de algumas dimensões associadas a este fenómeno de maior estabilidade do sistema partidário português à esquerda, nomeadamente a ausência de um fenómeno SYRIZA ou Podemos, recorrendo a explicações de natureza económica, ligadas à cultura política e à natureza do sistema partidário consolidado nas últimas quadro décadas.

Reshaping politics of the left and centre in Greece after the 2014 EP election. EPIN Commentary No. 21/10 September 2014

The political landscape in Greece is confused and volatile at the moment; the right and extreme- right-wing parties are accorded a disproportionately large place in political debate, while the radical left-wing SYRIZA party is attempting to maintain a ‘leftist’ profile and demonstrate its capacity to govern through a strategy of image normalisation. These tensions make it very difficult for the Greek government to stick to the EU’s tough reform agenda. The governing coalition is trying to conceal the social effects of implementing structural policy reforms, even postponing some measures to avoid bearing their political cost. At the same time, it is adopting a very rushed, and thus quite worrying, attitude towards a fast-track growth agenda, without taking into consideration the conditions for sustainable economic development.

Luta Armada em Portugal (1970-1974)

A problemática do recurso à luta armada para derrubar a ditadura em Portugal gerou discussões, debates e rupturas no seio da oposição portuguesa muito antes de terem surgido as primeiras organizações que realizaram acções armadas. Foi no rescaldo da campanha para as eleições presidenciais de 1958, perante o apoio popular à campanha de Humberto Delgado, candidato da oposição, e a constatação da dimensão da fraude eleitoral, que ocorreram as primeiras discussões acerca da inevitabilidade recorrer à violência armada para derrubar a ditadura. Porém, apenas na década de 70 as circunstâncias políticas, económicas e sociais no país favorecem o aparecimento de outras organizações armadas. Os quase dez anos de guerra colonial tinham desgastado o regime e as manifestações contra a guerra eram cada vez maiores, com o numero de desertores e refractários a crescer de ano para ano. Ao mesmo tempo, o pais ia-se industrializando e terciarizando; assistia-se ao crescimento da classe média, da escolarização, da emigração e a uma mudança de mentalidade, trazida pelo acesso cada vez maior ao que se passava no mundo. Seria neste contexto que as formas tradicionais de oposição, baseadas em manifestações pacíficas e abaixo-assinados, são sentidas como ultrapassadas e ineficazes e começam a proliferar as organizações marxistas-leninistas que teorizavam sobre a luta armada e concebiam planos de acções armadas contra o regime, aumentando o número daqueles que defendiam que o regime só cairia com o recurso à violência. Em 1967, a LUAR, levava a cabo a primeira acção armada contra o regime, o assalto à agência do Banco de Portugal na Figueira da Foz, para obter dinheiro que seria utilizado no financiamento de futuras acções armadas. Em 1970, o Partido Comunista Português, depois de um prolongadíssimo período de maturação, avançava com a ARA que levou a cabo a primeira acção em Outubro desse ano, a sabotagem ao navio Cunene que participa da logística de apoio à guerra colonial. Em 1971, foram as Brigadas Revolucionárias que desencadearam a primeira acção, um atentado bombista contra o Quartel da Nato na Fonte da Telha. Até ao 25 de Abril de 1974, várias acções armadas seriam cometidas por estas organizações, com a particularidade de apenas atingirem o aparelho repressivo e militar do regime, e de seguirem o princípio irredutível de não fazer vítimas mortais entre os civis. O 25 de Abril de 1974, corresponderia ao epílogo de um processo de contestação armada ao Estado Novo que foi acelerando nos seus derradeiros anos.

Anti-impérialisme et nouvelle gauche radicale dans la Suisse des années 68

Cette thèse entend apporter un éclairage sur l'histoire politique et sociale de la Suisse des années 68, en étudiant l'articulation entre les mouvements anti-impérialistes et la nouvelle gauche radicale, alors foisonnante. Il s'agit d'analyser cette période de contestation au prisme de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, lequel, dans le contexte de l'opposition à la guerre du Vietnam, a fortement imprégné le mouvement protestataire, en assignant notamment au tiers-monde le rôle de sujet de l'émancipation mondiale. Combinant une triple approche - chronologique, thématique et biographique - ce travail est structuré en quatre parties. La première partie esquisse un panorama des mouvements anti-impérialistes des années 1960 et 1970 en Suisse, avec une focalisation sur les «années anti-imp», entre 1968 et 1975. La deuxième interroge le rapport entre anti¬impérialisme et nouvelle gauche radicale, en proposant une typologie des principaux courants. La troisième partie s'attache à examiner le système de représentations du monde et de la Suisse véhiculé par le discours de l'extrême gauche. Prenant pour objet le militantisme, la dernière partie esquisse un portrait de groupe de la « génération anti-imp », fondé sur une enquête prosopographique et sur un corpus d'entretiens réalisés avec des militants de l'époque. L'étude révèle que l'anti-impérialisme a fourni à la contestation soixante-huitarde un cadre conceptuel et analytique, un facteur de structuration, ainsi qu'un vecteur de mobilisation. Il a en particulier permis à la gauche radicale suisse d'inscrire sa lutte anticapitaliste locale dans un horizon global d'émancipation. L'analyse de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, qui a connu son apogée dans les années 68 avant de connaître un déclin rapide et presque total, invite à appréhender cette « décennie mouvementée » comme la fin d'un long cycle politique. -- This thesis aims to shed light on the social and political history of Switzerland in the 1960s and 1970s by studying the relationship between anti-imperialist movements and the emerging new radical left. It analyses this time of rebellion through the prism of revolutionary anti-imperialism. In the context of opposition to the Vietnam War, anti-imperialism strongly influenced protest movements, notably by assigning to the Third World the role of main actor in the fight for global emancipation. Combining a threefold approach - chronological, thematic and biographical - this work is structured in four parts. The first part provides a panorama of the anti-imperialist movements of the long 1960s in Switzerland with a focus on the « anti-imp years » between 1968 and 1975. The second part questions the relationship between anti-imperialism and the new radical left and proposes a typology of its main currents. The third part examines how the radical left's discourse represented the world, and Switzerland in particular. The last part addresses the question of activism and outlines a group portrait of the « anti-imp generation » based on a prosopographical study and on a body of interviews with former activists. This study reveals that anti-imperialism, besides serving as an agent of mobilization, provided a conceptual and ideological framework, as well as a structuring factor, to the protest movements. In particular, it enabled the Swiss radical left to fit its local anti-capitalist struggle into a global horizon of emancipation. This analysis of revolutionary anti- imperialism, which had its heyday in the 1960s and 1970s before experiencing a rapid and almost total decline, thus invites us to see this « turbulent decade » as the end of a long political cycle.

Naiset miesten asialle : naiset radikaalivasemmistolaisessa agitaatiossa Saksassa 1914-1919

Virve Manninen

O Plano Trienal no contexto das relações entre Brasil e Estados Unidos (1962-1963)

The Three-Year Plan in the context of the US-Brazilian relations (1962-1963). The paper analyses the US-Brazilian relations during the formulation and implementation of the Three-Year Plan by the government of João Goulart. The evidence suggests the limited economic assistance offered by the United States to Brazil, driven by political causes, played a major role in the Three-Year Plan's demise. It is argued that Goulart's links with the radical left, particularly with groups seen as communists by Washington, was the main reason behind US decision of blocking resources. The conclusions are relevant because scholars have emphasized domestic reasons only to explain the failure of the Three-Year Plan.

Le blues et le jazz au service de la révolution? : les positions des communistes américains blancs à l’égard de la musique noire et son utilisation à des fins d’agit-prop durant l’entre-deux-guerres (1919-1941)

En 1936, l’American Music League publiait le recueil de chansons afro-américaines Negro Songs of Protest collectées par le folkloriste communiste Lawrence Gellert. Puis en 1938 et 1939, grâce au financement du mouvement communiste américain, le producteur John Hammond présentait deux concerts intitulés From Spirituals to Swing au Carnegie Hall de New York. En plus de rendre hommage à l’histoire de la musique noire américaine, ces deux concerts défiaient la ségrégation raciale, permettant au Noirs et aux Blancs d’être rassemblés sur une même scène et de s’asseoir ensemble dans l’assistance. Au même moment, la chanteuse jazz Billie Holiday faisait fureur au Café Society, premier club « intégré » de New York et lieu de rassemblement de la gauche radicale, en interprétant soir après soir la chanson ‘’Strange Fruit’’ qui dénonçait l’horreur du lynchage toujours en vigueur dans le Sud des États-Unis. C’était l’époque du Front Populaire, la plus importante période d’influence du mouvement communiste aux États-Unis et, de surcroît, le moment de l’histoire américaine durant lequel la gauche organisée détenait un pouvoir sans précédent sur la culture de masse. Partant d’une discussion sur le potentiel révolutionnaire de la musique noire américaine et cherchant à comprendre le positionnement des mouvements sociaux vis-à-vis la culture, ce mémoire met en lumière le point de vue des communistes américains blancs face à l’émergence et à la popularité grandissante du blues et du jazz noirs aux États-Unis. En fonction des trois principales phases politiques du Parti Communiste américain (CPUSA) – la phase du colorblind class (1919-1928); la phase du nationalisme noir (1928-1935); le Front Populaire (1935-1940) – ce mémoire retrace les changements d’attitude de la vieille gauche envers la culture populaire et suggère que le mouvement communiste américain a tenté d’utiliser le blues et le jazz à des fins d’agit-prop.

Sinistra extraparlamentare e Partito comunista in italia 1968-1976

La ricerca affronta il rapporto tra il Partito comunista italiano e le organizzazioni della sinistra extraparlamentare nate nel biennio 1968-1969. Sulla base di documentazione d’archivio e fonti a stampa, vengono ricostruite ed analizzate le relazioni tra questi due soggetti nel periodo compreso tra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la metà del decennio successivo, quando i principali gruppi politici della sinistra extraparlamentare si dotarono di una struttura organizzativa più stabile che segnava una discontinuità con l’esperienza precedente. Nel corso della prima metà degli anni Settanta, i rapporti tra il PCI e queste organizzazioni furono complessi e talvolta contraddittori. Il conflitto si consumò prevalentemente sulla reciproca pretesa di possedere l’esclusiva rappresentanza politica del fermento sociale che attraversava il paese in quegli anni: il PCI rappresentando se stesso come l’unica forza politica capace di mediare tra movimenti sociali e istituzioni; i gruppi della sinistra parlamentare come «avanguardie» di un irrealizzabile progetto «rivoluzionario».

Revolutionaries in Space? A Counter-Review of Interstellar

Should the radical Left interpret the Nolans' Interstellar as a tribute to (neo)liberal expansionism or should we view it as a cautionary tale about a future that is just around the corner, which won't be solved by worm holes or time travel? This review takes the latter position against the recent Jacobin review, which argues the former. Here, I show that Interstellar can be productively reinterpreted as a film about a series of things that will NOT save us from our-late-capitalist-selves.

The everyday life of the revolution: gender, violence and memory

The ‘heroic life’ or the life of the revolutionary is one that resists or even seeks to transcend the everyday and the ordinary. The ‘banal’ vulnerabilities of everyday life, however, continue to constitute the unseen, often unspoken background of such a heroic life. This article turns to women’s memories of everyday life spent ‘underground’ in the context of the late 1960s radical left Naxalbari movement of Bengal. Drawing upon recent published memoirs and my own field interviews with middle class female (and male) activists, I outline the ways in which revolutionary femininity was imagined and lived in the everyday life of this political movement. I focus, in particular, on the gendered and classed nature of political labour, the gendering of revolutionary space, and finally, the extent to which everyday life in the ‘underground’ was a site of vulnerability and powerlessness, especially for women. I also signal how these memories of interpersonal conflict and everyday violence tend to remain buried under a collective mythicisation of the ‘heroic life’.

The class basis of the cleavage between the New Left and the radical right: An analysis for Austria, Denmark, Norway and Switzerland

This chapter argues that the electoral competition between the New Left and the Radical Right is best understood as a cultural divide anchored in different class constituencies. Based on individual-level data from the European Social Survey, we analyze the links between voters' class position, their economic and cultural preferences and their party choice for four small and affluent European countries. We find a striking similarity in the class pattern across countries. Everywhere, the New Left attracts disproportionate support from socio-cultural professionals and presents a clear-cut middle-class profile, whereas the Radical Right is most successful among production and service workers and receives least support from professionals. In general, the Radical Right depends on the votes of lowereducated men and older citizens and has turned into a new type of working-class party. However, its success within the working-class is not due to economic, but to cultural issues. The voters of the Radical Right collide with those of the New Left over a cultural conflict of identity and community - and not over questions of redistribution. A full-grown cleavage has thus emerged in the four countries under study, separating a libertarian-universalistic pole from an authoritarian-communitarian pole and going along with a process of class realignment.

Radical Ambition: A Portrait of the Toronto New Left, 1958-1985

This thesis examines the rise and decline of the New Left in Toronto from 1958 to 1985. It argues that New Leftism — whose three leading ideals were self-management, national liberation, and community — arose as much from the Old Left as it did from the peace movement. In contrast to earlier readings that interpret the New Left narrowly — essentially, as the combined forces of the white student and peace movements evident mainly on university campuses — this thesis documents the extent to which New Leftism, interpreted as a political formation, provided a framework for a diversity of radical social movements, especially feminism, Black Power, gay liberation, resistance to the capitalist redevelopment of the city, and transnational solidarity. It also questions a declensionist narrative that adopts a “decadal” approach to the radicalism of the sixties, according to which 1970 spelled the end of “60s” radicalism. Quite the contrary, this thesis argues: in Toronto, it would be truer to say that 1970s were “the sixties,” in that only in this later decade did many New Left movements attain their full maturity. New Leftists successfully challenged a host of institutions, sometimes with permanent effects. The educational system was transformed. Cultural institutions and practices were revolutionized. Questions of race and gender, once peripheral to the left, were made central to it. Democratic community institutions became far more powerful. A token of the strength and durability of the New Left in Toronto was the extent to which it remained the bête noir of a series of other radical groups upholding the model of the vanguard communist party — which challenged the New Leftists’ prominence but many members of which often wound up agreeing with their positions. It was only in the early 1980s, with the ascent of a new right, that Toronto’s New Left unmistakably entered a period of decline. Yet, even then, many of its key themes were picked up by fast-growing anarchist and socialist feminist currents. Far from constituting a minor phenomenon, Toronto’s New Left, one of the largest movements for social justice in Canadian history, bequeathed to its progressive successors an imposing legacy of struggle and cultural achievements. It is the purpose of this thesis to evaluate, both critically and sympathetically, the extent to which the New Left attained its radical ambition.

Periurethral Suspension Stitch During Robot-Assisted Laparoscopic Radical Prostatectomy: Description of the Technique and Continence Outcomes

Background: Several studies have shown that robot-assisted laparoscopic radical prostatectomy (RALP) is feasible, with favorable complication rates and short hospital times. However, the early recovery of urinary continence remains a challenge to be overcome. Objective: We describe our technique of periurethral retropubic suspension stitch during RALP and report its impact on early recovery of urinary continence. Design, setting, and participants: We analyze prospectively 331 consecutive patients who underwent RALP, 94 without the placement of suspension stitch (group 1) and 237 with the application of the suspension stitch (group 2). Surgical procedure: The only difference between the groups was the placement of the puboperiurethral stitch after the ligation of the dorsal venous complex (DVC). The periurethral retropubic stitch was placed using a 12-in monofilament polyglytone suture on a CTI needle. The stitch was passed from right to left between the urethra and DVC, and then through the periostium on the pubic bone. The stitch was passed again through the DVC, and then through the pubic bone in a figure eight, and then tied. Measurements: Continence rates were assessed with a self-administered validated questionnaire (Expanded Prostate Cancer Index Composite [EPIC] at 1, 3, 6, and 12 mo after the procedure. Continence was defined as the use of no absorbent pads or no leakage of urine. Results and limitations: In group 1, the continence rate at 1, 3, 6, and 12 mo postoperatively was 33%, 83%, 94.7%, and 95.7%, respectively; in group 2, the continence rate was 40%, 92.8%, 97.9%, and 97.9%, respectively. The suspension technique resulted in significantly greater continence rates at 3 mo after RALP (p = 0.013). The median/mean interval to recovery of continence was also statistically significantly shorter in the suspension group (median: 6 wk; mean: 7.338 wk: 95% confidence interval [CI]: 6.387-8.288) compared to the non-suspension group (median: 7 wk; mean: 9.585 wk: 95% CI: 7.558-11.612; log rank test, p = 0.02). Conclusions: The suspension stitch during RALP resulted in a statistically significantly shorter interval to recovery of continence and higher continence rates at 3 mo after the procedure. (C) 2009 European Association of Urology. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.