952 resultados para Quebec Charter


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"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maître en droit (LL.M.)"

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Le Québec reçoit chaque année un nombre croissant de travailleurs agricoles temporaires, à travers deux programmes : le Programme des travailleurs agricoles saisonniers (principalement Mexicains) et le Programme des travailleurs peu qualifiés (pour l’instant Guatémaltèques). Une de leurs caractéristiques communes est le lien fixe à l’employeur imposé aux travailleurs. Cette recherche analyse la conformité de cette disposition avec l’article 46 de la Charte québécoise qui garantit le droit à des conditions de travail justes et raisonnables. Un examen des effets du lien fixe démontre que celui-ci établit une dépendance forte des travailleurs envers leur employeur, aux niveaux légal (du fait de la possibilité du rapatriement anticipé en cas de problèmes liés au travail ou au comportement), financier (dû à la nomination des travailleurs année après année et au dépôt de sécurité imposé aux travailleurs guatémaltèques) et psychologique (soumission, crainte). L’interprétation de l’article 46 à la lumière du droit international des droits de la personne met en évidence la non conformité du lien fixe avec cette disposition. Or si l’objectif de cette mesure est de retenir la main-d’oeuvre dans le secteur agricole, il serait plus juste et raisonnable d’améliorer les conditions de travail de cette main-d’oeuvre plutôt que de l’asservir.

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L’objet de cette étude porte sur la détermination de la sanction à imposer aux policiers ayant été reconnus coupables d’infractions criminelles, sur l’influence de l’article 18.2 de la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne dans cette détermination et sur les méthodes utilisées dans la jurisprudence arbitrale. Deux méthodes de détermination des sanctions s’opposent sur ce sujet, soit la méthode « large et libérale » et la méthode « stricte et littérale ». La méthode de détermination des sanctions « large et libérale » prévoit, entre autres, l’application de l’article 18.2 de la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne. Cette loi est de niveau quasi constitutionnel et prévoit, notamment, l’analyse objective du lien existant entre l’emploi de policier et l’infraction criminelle commise. Quant à la méthode de détermination des sanctions « stricte et littérale », elle résulte de l’application de la Loi sur la police qui est une loi ordinaire prévoyant un régime particulier pour les policiers reconnus coupables d’infractions criminelles. En effet, l’article 119 de la Loi sur la police implique, depuis son remaniement en 2000, la destitution automatique des policiers reconnus coupables d’une infraction criminelle poursuivable uniquement par voie de mise en accusation et la destitution des policiers reconnus coupables d’une infraction criminelle poursuivable soit sur déclaration de culpabilité par procédure sommaire, soit par voie de mise en accusation à moins que le policier ne puisse démontrer que des circonstances particulières ne justifient une mesure différente que la destitution. L’analyse réalisée dans le cadre de cette recherche vise la détermination des sanctions guidant les décisions des arbitres de griefs quant à la situation des policiers accusés et/ou reconnus coupables d’infractions criminelles en cours d’emploi. À cet effet, 25 décisions arbitrales et leurs révisions judiciaires ont été étudiées selon l’analyse de contenu à l’aide d’une grille d’analyse. L’analyse des données obtenues a par la suite été réalisée par l’entremise de l’analyse qualitative.

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In August 2005, House of Representatives Standing Committee on Environment and Heritage released the Sustainable Cities report. The Australian Sustainable Built Environment Council (ASBEC) wrote to the Committee endorsing Recommendations 1 to 3, and Recommendation 31. In particular Recommendation 31 states: The committee recommends that, with reference to the Swedish model of environmental objectives, the Australian Government:

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The Cooperative Research Centre for Construction Innovation1 (hereafter called Construction Innovation) supports the notion of the establishment of a Sustainability Charter for Australia and is interested in working collaboratively to achieve this outcome. A number of challenges need to be addressed to develop this Charter. This submission outlines these challenges and possible responses to them by a Sustainability Commission.

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Introduction: The Ottawa Charter is undeniably of pivotal importance in the history of ideas associated with the establishment of health promotion. There is much to applaud in a charter which responds to the need to take action on the social and economic determinants of health and which seeks to empower communities to be at the centre of this. Such accolades tend to position the Ottawa Charter as ‘beyond critique’; a taken-for-granted ‘given’ in the history of health promotion. In contrast, we argue it is imperative to critically reflect on its ‘manufacture’ and assess the possibility that certain voices have been privileged, and others marginalized. Methods: This paper re-examines the 1986 Ottawa Conference including its background papers from a postcolonial standpoint. We use critical discourse analysis as a tool to identify the enactment of power within the production of the Ottawa health promotion discourse. This exercise draws attention to both the power to ensure the dominant presence of privileged voices at the conference as well as the discursive strategies deployed to ‘naturalize’ the social order of inequality. Results: Our analysis shows that the discourse informing the development of the Ottawa Charter strongly reflected Western/colonizer centric worldviews, and actively silenced the possibility of countervailing Indigenous and developing country voices. Conclusion: The Ottawa Charter espouses principles of participation, empowerment and social justice. We question then whether the genesis of the Ottawa Charter lives up to its own principles of practice. We conclude that reflexive practice is crucial to health promotion, which ought to include a preparedness for health promotion to more critically acknowledge its own history.

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This presentation provides an overview of our work recently published paper in Global Health Promotion, which re-examined the production of the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion. In the presentation, I provide an overview of the way we used critical discourse analysis from a postcolonial standpoint. Our analysis shows that the discourse informing the development of the Ottawa Charter strongly reflected Western/colonizer centric worldviews, and actively silenced the possibility of countervailing Indigenous and developing country voices. We question whether the genesis of the Ottawa Charter lives up to its own principles of practice. We conclude that reflexive practice is crucial to health promotion, which ought to include a preparedness for health promotion to more critically acknowledge its own history.

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In Czechoslovakia, the occupation of 1968 denoted the beginning of normalization , a political and societal stagnation that lasted two decades. Dissident initiative Charter 77 emerged in 1977, demanding that the leaders of the country respect human rights. The Helsinki process provided a macro-level framework that influenced opposition and dissident activities throughout Eastern Europe. The study contributes a focused empirical analysis of the period of normalization and the dissident movement Charter 77. Dissent in general is seen as an existential attitude; it can be encapsulated as a morally rationalized critical stance as derived from shared experience or interpretation of injustice, which serves as a basis for a shared collective identity comprising oppositional consciousness as one unifying factor. The study suggests that normalization can be understood as a fundamentally violent process and discusses the structural and cultural manifestations of violence with relation to Charter 77. In general, the aim of the system was to passivize the society to such an extent that it would not constitute a potential threat to the hegemonic rule of the regime. Normalization caused societal stagnation and apoliticization, but it also benefited those who accepted the new political reality. The study, however, questions the image of Czechoslovakia s allegedly highly repressive rule by showing that there was also quite considerable tolerance of Charter 77 and consideration before severe repression was brought to bear against dissidents. Furthermore, the study provides understanding of the motives and impetuses behind dissent, the strategic shifts in Charter 77 activities, and the changes in the regime s policies toward Charter 77. The study also adds new perspective on the common image of Charter 77 as a non political initiative and suggests that Charter 77 was, in fact, a political entity, an actively political one in the latter half of the 1980s. Charter 77 was a de facto hybrid of a traditional dissident initiative and an oppositional actor. Charter 77 adopted a two-dimension approach: firstly, it still emphasized its role as a citizens initiative supporting human rights, but, secondly, at the same time, it was a directly political actor supporting and furthering the development of political opposition against the ruling power.

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XVIII IUFRO World Congress, Ljubljana 1986.

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Eguíluz, Federico; Merino, Raquel; Olsen, Vickie; Pajares, Eterio; Santamaría, José Miguel (eds.)