59 resultados para Punk
Die Rolle der Frau in den Jugendkulturen Punk und Hardcore : an Beispielen der mitteldeutschen Szene
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Conocer mejor los punks canarios, verificando: a)Los punks representan un estilo subcultural que se caracteriza por unas actitudes radicalmente disconformes con el estado actual de las cosas. b) Ese radicalismo y disconformidad es bastante más intenso que el de los otros sectores de la sociedad. c) Los punks son un auténtico grupo, dada la cohesión e integración de sus miembros en torno a dichas actitudes además de otros aspectos: música, apariencia, etc. 403 sujetos: 204 de Bachillerato y Formación Profesional; 157 universitarios; 42 punks. Se distribuyó también por sexo, edad, estado civil, tipo de residencia, dependencia económica, profesión del padre e ingresos aproximados de la familia al mes. Se utilizó un diseño correlacional para determinar las relaciones existentes entre las actitudes que se pretenden medir y las diferentes categorías de sujetos. Las variables que se estudian son: radicalismo, antiautoritarismo, desconfianza en el futuro y tolerancia sexual. Las variables controladas: categoría social de los sujetos (universitarios, no universitarios y punks), orden de presentación de las escalas y el cuestionario, la tendencia a la aquiescencia, etc. 1. Cuestionario de datos personales. 2. Escala de antiautoritarismo de M. de Bethencourt. 3. Escala de radicalismo, de elaboración propia. 4. Escala de desconfianza en el futuro. 5. Escala de tolerancia sexual, elaborada por J. Barroso Ribal. 1. Pruebas de fiabilidad, por el método de Crombach. 2. Análisis factorial. 3. Correlación interfactorial. 4. Distribución de frecuencias. 5. Prueba T. 6. Análisis discriminante. 1. En el interior del colectivo punk, aquellos que más contribuyen con sus respuestas a que disminuyeran las puntuaciones medias, fueron los punks de Santa Cruz de Tenerife, contrariamente con los de La Laguna. 2. Respecto al factor sexualidad libre, aparece una distancia significativa entre las mujeres punks, que puntúan más alto y las mujeres universitarias. 3. Con respecto al grado de desconfianza en el futuro aparece una actitud combinada de escepticismo, inmediatismo y combatividad. 1. Según los resultados obtenidos en las cuatro escalas de actitudes, las hipótesis que se planteaban al principio han quedado demostradas. 2. Se ratifica que los punks, más que una simple categoría o sector social, poseen una identidad simbólica, ritual que les proporciona una cohesión o conciencia de grupo, que está ausente o está menos acentuado en otros conjuntos humanos que carecen de señas identificatorias específicas.
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This article examines the ways in which political organisations of the far left and far right responded to punk-informed youth culture in Britain during the late 1970s. It examines how both tried to understand punk within their own ideological framework, particularly in relation to the perceived socio-economic and political crises of the late 1970s, before then endeavouring to appropriate—or use—punk for their own ends. Ultimately, however, the article suggests that while punk may indeed be seen as a cultural response to the breakdown of what some have described as the post-war ‘consensus’ in the 1970s, the far left and far right's focus on cultural expression cut across the basic foundations on which they had been built. Consequently, neither left nor right proved able to provide an effective political conduit through which the disaffections expressed by punk could be channelled.
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This article looks at the controversial music genre Oi! in relation to youth cultural identity in late 1970s’ and early 1980s’ Britain. As a form of British punk associated with skinheads, Oi! has oft-been dismissed as racist and bound up in the politics of the far right. It is argued here, however, that such a reading is too simplistic and ignores the more complex politics contained both within Oi! and the various youth cultural currents that revolved around the term ‘punk’ at this time. Taking as its starting point the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies’ conception of youth culture as a site of potential ‘resistance’, the article explores the substance and motifs of Oi!’s protest to locate its actual and perceived meaning within a far wider political and socio-economic context. More broadly, it seeks to demonstrate the value of historians examining youth culture as a formative and contested socio-cultural space within which young people discover, comprehend, and express their desires, opinions, and disaffections.
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This article looks at the controversial music genre Oi! in relation to youth cultural identity in late 1970s and early 1980s Britain. By examining the six compilation albums released to promote Oi! as a distinct strand of punk, it seeks to challenge prevailing dismissals of the genre as inherently racist or bound to the politics of the far right. Rather, Oi! – like punk more generally – was a contested cultural form. It was, moreover, centred primarily on questions of class and locality. To this end, Oi! sought to realize the working-class rebellion of punk’s early aesthetic; to give substance to its street-level pretentions and offer a genuine ‘song from the streets’.
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The late eighties and early nineties in Germany were not only marked by the fall of the Wall and German unification, but also by the dramatization of the political issue of asylum, resulting in outbreaks of xenophobic violence. In the context of the asylum debate of the early nineties, a number of punk bands produced songs between 1991 and 1994 which criticise the xenophobic climate created by the asylum debate and undermine an exculpatory official discourse about the violent attacks. The lyrics of these songs will be analysed as instances of counter-discourse emerging from a subcultural sphere that nurtures a critical distance towards hegemonic public and political discourse, arguing that Critical Discourse Analysis should pay more attention to defiance of hegemonic discourse.
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This article recovers and contextualizes the politics of British punk fanzines produced in the late 1970s and early 1980s. It argues that fanzines – and youth cultures more generally – provide a contested cultural space for young people to express their ideas, opinions and anxieties. Simultaneously, it maintains that punk fanzines offer the historian a portal into a period of significant socio-economic, political and cultural change. As well as presenting alternative cultural narratives to the formulaic accounts of punk and popular music now common in the mainstream media, fanzines allow us a glimpse of the often radical ideas held by a youthful milieu rarely given expression in the political arena.