“La Generación exiliada” y su imagen de Rosas a través de la prensa : comparación entre “El Grito Argentino y Muera Rosas!”

Resumen: El presente artículo analiza y compara el discurso verbal de El Grito Argentino (1839) y Muera Rosas! (1841-1842), dos periódicos antirrosistas publicados en Montevideo por jóvenes intelectuales emigrados de la “generación del 37”. Distribuidos secretamente en Buenos Aires y las provincias del litoral, su propósito era movilizar a los sectores antirrosistas en contextos de crisis del gobierno de Juan Manuel de Rosas. Este estudio focaliza especialmente en los distintos recursos proselitistas empleados así como el público al que ambos estaban destinados. Con el apoyo de fuentes históricas y correspondencia de la época, el artículo también aborda las relaciones que los jóvenes emigrados mantenían entre sí y con los dirigentes unitarios también exiliados en la Banda Oriental.

Alt.film.au(2) : Blogging at the margins in Australian retrospective 2012

In 1972 Albie Thoms wrote: ‘In Australia it has been impossible to elicit much sympathetic appraisal from critics who seem distressed by the relation of personal film to amateur movies. Even those proselytizing for the New cinema have underrated the personal film as a worthy antidote to the market assumptions of Hollywood.’ (Thoms 1978, p. 146) The question now is, of course, is anything different in 2012? The answer is of course yes and no. Although the politics remains frustratingly familiar the digital has progressed further to the point that where in the 60s every one picked up a guitar, now we pick up a video camera. A postscript relates those films in the program not available for inclusion in the original 90s rant- (i.e. they did not exist) I have further annotated this re-play of old wounds and victories with commentary on some of the films in the screening program.

The Gülen movement and the case of a secret agenda: putting the debate in perspective

The Gülen movement, a charity-based Turkish Muslim educational activist network, went global in the 1990s and has established approximately 1,000 secular educational institutions in more than 100 countries. The movement has an estimated worth of $25 billion, making it perhaps the largest faith-based transnational organization in the world today. However, in the wake of 9/11 and increased global anxiety about terrorism, mistrust regarding Muslims and Islam has grown. Suspicion is not only confined to stereotypes about jihadists, with some commentators arguing that Islam itself is the problem, and that any deeply religious Muslim should be viewed with distrust. The Gülen movement has not escaped this analysis and this outwardly secular educational organization has been accused of secretly proselytizing and indoctrinating students in its schools. This article analyses the popular discourse around the movement in Turkey and abroad and weighs the evidence for and against the allegations. It contends not only that they are baseless, and fail to furnish any evidence, but also that they appear to be part of a broader double standard vis-à-vis reporting and commentary on Christian missionary groups and their activities. In particular, the religious philosophy and activities of the Gülen movement are juxtaposed with those of World Vision.

O ensino religioso na escola pública: regras que cooperam para sua organização

Pós-graduação em Educação - FCT

A agenda da regulação da comunicação social no Brasil: da constituinte aos impasses contemporâneos

The paper analyzes the regulatory framework for the Media in Brazil in the Federal Constitution and the nexus between democratization and constitutional process, interpreting relevant actors (government, political parties, civil society) and figured as the themes of communication and institutional political agenda. The obstacles to the regulation of many of the statements remain constitutional (right of communication; seal monopolies / oligopolies; regionalization of cultural production; nationalist character in control of broadcasting; compatibility between segments state, public and commercial; Social Communication Council), that replaces debate on the very principle of the right to communication regulation by analyzing the corresponding decisionmaking processes. This conflictual agenda-setting involves multiple interests, from strictly commercial aspirations of companies operating in this market, going by the increasing share of religious institutions who also want to expand upon practices of proselytizing until the interests of policy makers who also have control over a slice of that business.

Vorläufige Darstellung des heutigen Jesuitismus, der Rosenkreuzerey, Proselytenmacherey und Religionsvereinigung.

Includes: Privata Monita und Secreta Monita, Societatis Jesu.