972 resultados para Process reform
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Terveydenhuollon ja siihen liittyvien palvelujen kustannusten jatkuva kohoaminen ja kuntien paheneva taloustilanne sekä terveydenhuollon pienenevät henkilöstöresurssit ovat lisänneet painetta toimintojen kustannustehokkaaseen toteuttamiseen. Edellä mainitusta johtuen, terveydenhuollon toimijoita kehotetaan etsimään uusia ratkaisuja, joilla voidaan taata jatkossa riittävä asiakaspalvelutaso, kustannustehokkuus ja – palvelujen turvallisuus. Tämän työn tavoitteena oli vastata kysymyksiin tunnistus- ja paikannustoiminnan hyödyntämisen mahdollisuuksista Itä-Savon sairaanhoitopiirin Savonlinnan keskussairaalassa. Tarkoituksena oli selvittää, millaisia paikannus ja tunnistusteknologiaan liittyviä tavoitteita ja vaatimuksia terveydenhuollon toimialalla ja erityisesti Itä-Savon sairaanhoitopiirissä on ja millä tavalla RFID ja WLAN – teknologioilla saadaan kehitettyä asetettuihin tavoitteisiin ja hyötyodotuksiin vastaavat ratkaisut. Työssä pyrittiin selvittämään myös millaisia rahallisia säästöjä tunnistus- ja paikannusteknologioilla voidaan saada aikaan. Työn yhteydessä kartoitettiin tarpeita ja vaatimuksia tunnistus- ja paikannusteknologian hyödyntämiseen. Tarpeet ja vaatimukset testattiin tunnistus- ja paikannuspilotissa. Lisäksi perehdyttiin kirjallisuuteen ja aiempiin tutkimuksiin tunnistus- ja paikannusteknologioista. Suunnitelman perusteella näyttää siltä, että hyödyntämällä tunnistus- ja paikannusteknologioita voitaisiin tehostaa Savonlinnan keskussairaalan toimintaa. Suunnitelman pilottivaiheen tuloksien perusteella toiminnan tehostaminen tarkoittaisi kustannussäästöjä, parantaisi potilasturvallisuutta sekä hoitotyön laatua. Tunnistus- ja paikannusteknologian käyttökohteita sairaalassa voisivat olla esimerkiksi reaaliaikaiseen prosessien ohjaaminen, kulunvalvonnan ja -ohjauksen automatisointi, potilaan automaattinen tunnistaminen, sekä sairaalan tutkimuslaitteiden seuranta.
Policing and planning child and adolescent neuropsychiatry : the reform process in Bologna 2009-2014
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Desde a aprovação do plano de saúde mental regional em Itália ... o Departamento Local de Saúde Mental e Perturbações aditivas em Bolonha, tem desenvolvido um projeto de reforma cujo objectivo é inovar o sistema de saúde mental local. ...ABSTRACT: Since the Regional mental health plan 2009-2011 was approved in Italy the Department of Mental Health and addictions of the Bologna local health trust developed as a laboratory aimed at innovating the mental health systen locally. ...
El proceso de reforma administrativa en el Ecuador = The process of administrative reform in Ecuador
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Includes bibliography
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The transition in Central and Eastern Europe since the late 1980s has provided a testing ground for classic propositions. This project looked at the impact of privatisation on private consumption, using the Czech experiment of voucher privatisation to test the permanent income hypothesis. This form of privatisation moved state assets to individuals and represented an unexpected windfall gain for participants in the scheme. Whether the windfall was consumed or saved offers a clear test of the permanent income hypothesis. Of a total population of 10 million, 6 million Czechs, i.e. virtually every household, participated in the scheme,. In a January 1996 survey, 1263 individuals were interviewed , 75% of whom had taken part. The data obtained suggests that only a small quantity of transferred assets were cashed in and spent on consumption, providing support for the permanent income hypothesis. The fraction of the windfall consumed grows with age, as would be predicted from the lower life expectancy of older consumers. The most interesting deviation was for people aged 26 to 35, who apparently consumed more that they would if the windfall were annuitised. As these people are at the stage in their lives when they would otherwise be borrowing to cover consumption related to establishing a family, etc., this is however consistent with the permanent income hypothesis, which predicts that individuals who would otherwise borrow money would use the windfall to avoid doing so.
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The policy development process leading to the Labour government's white paper of December 1997—The new NHS: Modern, Dependable—is the focus of this project and the public policy development literature is used to aid in the understanding of this process. Policy makers who had been involved in the development of the white paper were interviewed in order to acquire a thorough understanding of who was involved in this process and how they produced the white paper. A theoretical framework is used that sorts policy development models into those that focus on knowledge and experience, and those which focus on politics and influence. This framework is central to understanding the evidence gathered from the individuals and associations that participated in this policy development process. The main research question to be asked in this project is to what extent do either of these sets of policy development models aid in understanding and explicating the process by which the Labour government's policies were developed. The interview evidence, along with published evidence, show that a clear pattern of policy change emerged from this policy development process, and the Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence policy making models both assist in understanding this process. The early stages of the policy development process were characterized as hierarchical and iterative, yet also very collaborative among those participating, with knowledge and experience being quite prevalent. At every point in the process, however, informal networks of political influence were used and noted to be quite prevalent by all of the individuals interviewed. The later stages of the process then became increasingly noninclusive, with decisions made by a select group of internal and external policy makers. These policy making models became an important tool with which to understand the policy development process. This Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence dichotomy of policy development models could therefore be useful in analyzing other types of policy development. ^
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The post-Maidan Ukrainian government found itself forced to launch a comprehensive state reform process due to both the deep crisis in all the key areas of the state’s operation and the enormous demand for change among the Ukrainian public. The promise to carry out structural reforms based on the European model became a key point in Kyiv’s political rhetoric. However, one year after the formation of the second cabinet led by Arseniy Yatsenyuk (2 December 2014) and one and a half years since the inauguration of Petro Poroshenko as president (7 June 2014), it is clear that the reform process in Ukraine is moving at a snail’s pace and is far from fulfilling its post-Maidan declarations. It has also provoked increasing frustration among the public due to the lack of expected effects.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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The study examines factors influencing language planning decisions in contemporary France. It focuses upon the period 1992-1994, which witnessed the introduction of two major language policy measures, the first an amendment to the French Constitution, in 1992, proclaiming the language of the Republic as French, the second, in 1994, legislation to extend the ambit of the loi Bas-Lauriol, governing the use of the French language in France. The thesis posits a significant role for the pro-reform movement led by the French language association Avenir de la Langue Francaise (ALF) in the introduction and formulation of the policy measures concerned. The movement is depicted as continuing the traditional pattern of intellectual involvement in language planning, whilst also marking the beginning of a highly proactive, and increasingly political approach. Detailed examination of the movement's activities reveals that contextual factors and strategic strength combined to facilitate access to the levers of power, and enabled those involved to exert an impact on policy initiation, formulation, and ultimately implementation. However, ALF's decision to pursue the legislative route led to the expansion of the network of actors involved in language policymaking, and the development of counter-pressure from sectoral groups. It is suggested that this more interventionist approach destabilised the traditionally consensual language policy community, and called into question the quasi-monopoly of the intelligentsia in respect of language policymaking. It raised broader questions relating to freedom of expression and the permissible limits of language regulation in a democracy such as France. It also exposed ongoing ambiguities and inconsistencies in the interpretation of the tenets of language planning.
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Kína az elmúlt több mint három évtizedben szegény, elmaradott országból a világgazdaság egyik legfontosabb szereplője lett. Szocialista rendszerét egy sajátos kapitalista rendszer váltotta fel, miközben politikai struktúrája lényegében változatlan maradt. A folyamatok során a vezetés mindvégig ügyelt arra, hogy a kommunista párt egyeduralmát semmi se veszélyeztethesse, ugyanakkor megfelelő források álljanak rendelkezésre hatalma megtartásához. A tanulmány a kínai reformfolyamatot politikai gazdaságtani szempontból vizsgálja, különös figyelmet szentelve az intézményi változásoknak. Bemutatja, milyen okok és tényezők álltak a reformok elindításának hátterében, milyen változások következtek be a szereplők érdekviszonyaiban a reformok előrehaladtával, és mire lehet számítani a reformok jövőjét illetően. Úgy tűnik, hogy a jelenlegi rendszer érdekviszonyai a reformok folytatása ellen hatnak, ellehetetlenítve a piacgazdaság intézményrendszerének további kiépítését. A járadékok és privilégiumok az elitet abban sem teszik érdekeltté, hogy komolyabb politikai reformokat hajtson végre, így a kialakuló csapdahelyzet megakadályozza az átmenet kiteljesedését. ____ In the last three decades China has risen from being a poor and underdeveloped country to being one of the most important players in the world economy. Its planned economy has been replaced by a capitalist system, but its political structure has remained essentially unchanged. The leaders during the reform process have sought constantly to avert dangers to the rule of the Communist Party and gain access to valuable resources that allow power to be retained. The study approaches the Chinese reform process from a politico-economic point of view, focusing primarily on institutional changes. It reveals the main factors behind the various phases of reform, the constantly changing interests of the players, and the possible future of the process. It seems that under the current authoritarian regime, there are vested interests working against a continuation of the reforms and precluding full establishment of the institutional framework of a market economy. The elite is also deterred from implementing serious political reforms by the current rents and privileges. This leads to a trap that prevents completion of the transition process.
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This dissertation provides an analytical framework to study the political economy of policy reform in the Dominican Republic during the nineties. Based on a country study, I develop two theoretical models that replicate the mechanisms of policy approval in developing countries with weak democracies. The first model considers a pro-reform President who submits a tariff bill to an anti-reform Congress dominated by the opposition party. In between, two opposing lobbies try to get their favored policy approved. Lobbies act as Stackelberg leaders vis a vis a weak President. The behavior of the Congress is determined exogenously while the lobbies act strategically pursuing the approval of the reform bill and indirectly affecting the President's decision. I show that in such a setting external agents like the Press play an important role in the decision-making process of the political actors. ^ The second model presents a similar framework. However, the President, who is a Stackelberg leader, is allowed only two choices, total reform or status-quo. I show how a lobby reacts to an increase in its rival's or its own size. These reactions depend on the President's level of commitment to the reform. Finally, I discuss the effect of variations in the size of the lobbies on the President's choice. The model suitably explains real events that took place in the Dominican Republic in the mid-nineties. ^