868 resultados para Press law--Turkey


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Ottoman constitutional law of the 7th Dhil Hujjah, 1293 AH [December 24, 1876 AD] as amended. -- Regulations of the Chamber of deputies. -- Regulations of the Senate. -- Provisional law of administration of wilayets of the 13th March, 1329 AH [March 26, 1913 AD] as amended. -- Municipal law of the 27th Ramadhan, 1294 AH [October 5, 1877 AD] as amended. -- Law regulating chambers of commerce and industry, dated the 31st May, 1326 AH [June 13, 1910 AD]. -- Provisional law of expropriation on behalf of municipalities dated the 21st Kanun Thani, 1329 AH [February 3, 1914 AD]. -- Regulations of expropriation for public purposes, dated the 24th Tashrin Thani, 1295 AH [December 6, 1879 AD] as amended. -- The Press law of the 16th Tamuz, 1325 AH [July 29, 1910 AD] as amended.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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In this paper, we present the results of a survey conducted to measure the attitudes of the consumers of eHealth towards Accountable-eHealth systems which are designed for information privacy management. A research model is developed that can identify the factors contributing to system acceptance and is validated using quantitative data from 187 completed survey responses from university students studying non-health related courses at a university in Queensland, Australia. The research model is validated using structural equation modelling and can be used to identify how specific characteristics of Accountable-eHealth systems would affect their overall acceptance by future eHealth consumers.

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This paper strives to identify barriers that hamper eHealth implementation from different perspectives. The benefits offered by eHealth and the need for eHealth preparedness is first discussed. This is followed by a discussion on the integral components of a robust eHealth infrastructure. Then, the barriers to eHealth such as technical interoperability issues, lack of holistic approach and technology disconnect are explained in detail. Finally, solutions to promote better adoption of eHealth through government policies, standardisation and training are also discussed.

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A commitment in 2010 by the Australian Federal Government to spend $466.7 million dollars on the implementation of personally controlled electronic health records (PCEHR) heralded a shift to a more effective and safer patient centric eHealth system. However, deployment of the PCEHR has met with much criticism, emphasised by poor adoption rates over the first 12 months of operation. An indifferent response by the public and healthcare providers largely sceptical of its utility and safety speaks to the complex sociotechnical drivers and obstacles inherent in the embedding of large (national) scale eHealth projects. With government efforts to inflate consumer and practitioner engagement numbers giving rise to further consumer disillusionment, broader utilitarian opportunities available with the PCEHR are at risk. This paper discusses the implications of establishing the PCEHR as the cornerstone of a holistic eHealth strategy for the aggregation of longitudinal patient information. A viewpoint is offered that the real value in patient data lies not just in the collection of data but in the integration of this information into clinical processes within the framework of a commoditised data-driven approach. Consideration is given to the eHealth-as-a-Service (eHaaS) construct as a disruptive next step for co-ordinated individualised healthcare in the Australian context.

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Influential creative industries and creative place thinkers Richard Florida and Charles Landry agree that creativity is necessary for a prospering liveable and, therefore, sustainable city. Following Florida’s work, the ‘creative class’ has become central to what has turned out to be city-centre-centric growth policies. However, until the Queensland University of Technology’s Australian Research Council sponsored research into “creative suburbia”, few researchers had demonstrated – let alone challenged – the notion that a substantial cohort of creative industries workers might prefer to live and work at home in the suburbs rather than in city centres. The “creative suburb” work builds on the creative suburbia research. In a practice-led and property development industry embedded inquiry, the creative suburb draws on significant primary research with suburban, home-based, creative industries workers, vernacular architecture, and town planning in the Toowoomba region, in the state of Queensland, Australia, as inspiration for a series of new building and urban designs available for innovators operating in new suburban greenfield situations and suburban areas undergoing a refit in Queensland and possibly further afield. This paper focuses on one building design informed by this inquiry, with the intention of its construction as a ’showcasestudy’ ‘homeworkhouse’, suitable for creative industries workers in the Toowoomba region.

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Assuming that a crisis infers the collapse of old values while the new ones to replace them have not developed yet, one can ponder whether we are witnessing a crisis of press law in Po- land or not. Taking into consideration the gravity and scope of criticism of the current press law act and the repeated attempts to alter the existing legal status quo, it could be said that we are facing a permanent crisis in the press law system in Poland, and, consequently, of the whole media policy. The paper tries to verify this hypothesis on the example of one of the ele- ments of the press law, namely that of authorization.

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La Turquie va-t-elle adhérer à l'Union européenne? Sa candidature a toujours été sujette à critiques: droits de l'homme non respectés, restrictions des droits et libertés, notamment de la liberté d'expression, de religion et des droits politiques. Les dossiers sensibles comme le problème kurde et la question chypriote sont à l'origine des multiples plaintes contre l'État turc devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Dotée des caractéristiques essentielles d'un État moderne et laïque, le pays dispose de structures formellement démocratiques, mais sa démocratie se révèle fragile: ses politiques tant internes qu'externes sont décidées par un Conseil national de sécurité composé pour l'essentiel de militaires. En outre, l'armée qui a pris le pouvoir à maintes reprises a donné au régime une dimension autoritaire. Cela non seulement en vertu des principes fondateurs de la République (tradition centralisatrice de l'État turc), mais aussi de la priorité que l'institution militaire accorde à la sécurité, à l'unité et à l'identité nationales. En effet, les mesures d'exception (état d'urgence, cours de sûreté de l'État, loi anti-terroriste) ont contribué aux violations des droits de l'homme, d'où l'opposition entre le droit conventionnel et le droit national. De plus, le système judiciaire et administratif instauré par les militaires en 1982 n'est pas conçu dans l'intérêt des justiciables. Certes, l'accès à la modernité n'a pu se faire que sous la contrainte et le contrôle de l'armée, mais le régime en Turquie peut-il continuer à s'appuyer sur les«piliers de l'ordre» que sont l'armée, la police et la justice ? L’État semble cependant se réorganiser progressivement pour permettre au pouvoir politique d'assurer un contrôleur les forces de sécurité et pour donner une meilleure indépendance à la justice. Le processus mis en route et les critères imposés pour l'adhésion à l'UE devraient contribuer à mettre en œuvre les réformes institutionnelles capables d'harmoniser la démocratie à l'État de droit, à l'image des pays européens. En effet, les changements récents sont liés à l'agenda européen. Le gouvernement turc semble être déterminé et ambitieux dans sa vocation européenne. Les progrès réalisés pour intégrer l'UE lui sont un moteur de propulsion devant servir au pays et à sa population.

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The article discusses the present status of weblogs and examines whether legal standards applicable to traditional press and media should be applied to that specific forum. The analysis is based on two key documents: the Draft Report on the concentration and pluralism in the media in European Union (2007/2253(INI)) of the European Parliament Committee on Culture and Education presented in March 2008 and a landmark decision of the Polish Supreme Court from July 26, 2007 (IV KK 174/07) in the light of present judicial tendency in other European countries. The first of the mentioned documents calls for the “clarification of the legal status of different categories of weblog authors and publishers as well as disclosure of interests and voluntary labelling of weblogs”. It emphasizes that the “undetermined and unindicated status of authors and publishers of weblogs causes uncertainties regarding impartiality, reliability, source protection, applicability of ethical codes and the assignment of liability in the event of lawsuits”. The position of the European Parliament, expressed in the document, raises serious questions on the limits of freedom of thought and speech on the Internet and on the degree of acceptable state control. A recent Polish Supreme Court decision, which caused quite a stir in the Polish Internet community, seems to head in the very direction recommended by the EP Culture Committee. In a case of two editors of a web journal (“czasopismo internetowe”) called “Szyciepoprzemysku”, available on-line, accused of publishing a journal without the proper registration, the Polish Supreme Court stated that “journals and periodicals do not lose the character of a press release due solely to the fact that they appear in the form of an  Internet transmission”, and that ‘’the publishing of press in an electronic form, available on the Internet, requires  registration”. The decision was most surprising, as prior lower courts decisions declined the possibility to register Internet periodicals. The accused were acquitted in the name of the constitutional principle of the rule of law (art. 7 of the Polish Constitution) and the ensuing obligation to protect the trust of a citizen to the state (a conviction in this case would break the collateral estoppel rule), however the decision quickly awoke media frenzy and raised the fear of a need to register all websites that were regularly updated. The spokesman of the Polish Supreme Court later explained that the sentence of the Court was not intended to cause a mass registration of all Internet “periodicals” and that neither weblogs nor Internet sites, that were regularly updated, needed registration. Such an interpretation of the Polish press law did not appear clear based only on the original text of the judgment and the decision as such still raises serious practical questions. The article aims to examine the status of Internet logs as press and seeks the compromise between the concerns expressed by European authorities and the freedom of thought and speech exercised on the Internet.

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Esta dissertação pretende analisar criticamente o julgado da ADPF 130, a luz do pensamento político de Hannah Arendt, em razão de conduzir o debate do significado da imprensa idônea para a promoção da liberdade de expressão quando torna efetivo o princípio da publicidade na esfera pública. O pensamento da autora contribui para avaliar criticamente a racionalidade do Poder judiciário brasileiro na decisão da ADPF 130 pelo fato deste conceber de modo questionável a imprensa ter o papel democrático de ser formadora de opinião pública e de compreender que qualquer lei para regulamentar a atividade midiática implica automaticamente em cair no risco da censura prévia. No capítulo I, o trabalho sumariza as argumentações propostas na ADPF para indicar que a maioria dos votos dos ministros se situa a partir das concepções gerais do liberalismo e as suas consequências para atuação da imprensa na democracia brasileira. Em seguida, na primeira parte do capítulo II serão apresentadas as principais características do pensamento político de Arendt contempladas nas obras A condição humana e Origens do totalitarismo, em uma perspectiva de situá-las na tradição política do pensamento político ocidental, expondo, de forma geral, os contornos de seu sistema político, como: distinção entre domínio público e domínio privado, vita activa e doxa e função da lei. Assim, passa-se a analisar, em momento posterior no capítulo II as manifestações do pensamento arendtiano em torno da liberdade de expressão e a repercussão do seu significado na imprensa idônea. O capítulo III posiciona o pensamento arendtiano na tradição política do mundo ocidental. Nele, Arendt aponta quando a liberdade política que se manifesta entre o eu-posso e eu-quero se dissocia, o qual ocasiona obstáculos para a aparição da doxa no agir em concerto entre os homens. Assim, equivocadamente a política passa a ser vista apenas como um velho truísmo de assegurar a liberdade. Compreendemos que, neste contexto, a imprensa é concebida pela maioria dos votos dos ministros com o papel de ser formadora de opinião pública pelo fato de considerarem implicitamente que vivemos numa democracia onde os homens não participam efetivamente na vida pública.

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Caption title.

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[Feyzullah Efendi].

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eser-i hame-yi Ömer Hilmi.

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[katabahu al-faqīr Aḥmad ʻĀrif Ḥikmat ibn Ibrāhīm ʻIṣmat al-Ḥusaynī].