881 resultados para Press law
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Microfilm. Ann Arbor, Mich. University Microfilms (n.d.) (American Culture Series, Reel 238.4)
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Ottoman constitutional law of the 7th Dhil Hujjah, 1293 AH [December 24, 1876 AD] as amended. -- Regulations of the Chamber of deputies. -- Regulations of the Senate. -- Provisional law of administration of wilayets of the 13th March, 1329 AH [March 26, 1913 AD] as amended. -- Municipal law of the 27th Ramadhan, 1294 AH [October 5, 1877 AD] as amended. -- Law regulating chambers of commerce and industry, dated the 31st May, 1326 AH [June 13, 1910 AD]. -- Provisional law of expropriation on behalf of municipalities dated the 21st Kanun Thani, 1329 AH [February 3, 1914 AD]. -- Regulations of expropriation for public purposes, dated the 24th Tashrin Thani, 1295 AH [December 6, 1879 AD] as amended. -- The Press law of the 16th Tamuz, 1325 AH [July 29, 1910 AD] as amended.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Assuming that a crisis infers the collapse of old values while the new ones to replace them have not developed yet, one can ponder whether we are witnessing a crisis of press law in Po- land or not. Taking into consideration the gravity and scope of criticism of the current press law act and the repeated attempts to alter the existing legal status quo, it could be said that we are facing a permanent crisis in the press law system in Poland, and, consequently, of the whole media policy. The paper tries to verify this hypothesis on the example of one of the ele- ments of the press law, namely that of authorization.
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The article discusses the present status of weblogs and examines whether legal standards applicable to traditional press and media should be applied to that specific forum. The analysis is based on two key documents: the Draft Report on the concentration and pluralism in the media in European Union (2007/2253(INI)) of the European Parliament Committee on Culture and Education presented in March 2008 and a landmark decision of the Polish Supreme Court from July 26, 2007 (IV KK 174/07) in the light of present judicial tendency in other European countries. The first of the mentioned documents calls for the “clarification of the legal status of different categories of weblog authors and publishers as well as disclosure of interests and voluntary labelling of weblogs”. It emphasizes that the “undetermined and unindicated status of authors and publishers of weblogs causes uncertainties regarding impartiality, reliability, source protection, applicability of ethical codes and the assignment of liability in the event of lawsuits”. The position of the European Parliament, expressed in the document, raises serious questions on the limits of freedom of thought and speech on the Internet and on the degree of acceptable state control. A recent Polish Supreme Court decision, which caused quite a stir in the Polish Internet community, seems to head in the very direction recommended by the EP Culture Committee. In a case of two editors of a web journal (“czasopismo internetowe”) called “Szyciepoprzemysku”, available on-line, accused of publishing a journal without the proper registration, the Polish Supreme Court stated that “journals and periodicals do not lose the character of a press release due solely to the fact that they appear in the form of an Internet transmission”, and that ‘’the publishing of press in an electronic form, available on the Internet, requires registration”. The decision was most surprising, as prior lower courts decisions declined the possibility to register Internet periodicals. The accused were acquitted in the name of the constitutional principle of the rule of law (art. 7 of the Polish Constitution) and the ensuing obligation to protect the trust of a citizen to the state (a conviction in this case would break the collateral estoppel rule), however the decision quickly awoke media frenzy and raised the fear of a need to register all websites that were regularly updated. The spokesman of the Polish Supreme Court later explained that the sentence of the Court was not intended to cause a mass registration of all Internet “periodicals” and that neither weblogs nor Internet sites, that were regularly updated, needed registration. Such an interpretation of the Polish press law did not appear clear based only on the original text of the judgment and the decision as such still raises serious practical questions. The article aims to examine the status of Internet logs as press and seeks the compromise between the concerns expressed by European authorities and the freedom of thought and speech exercised on the Internet.
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Esta dissertação pretende analisar criticamente o julgado da ADPF 130, a luz do pensamento político de Hannah Arendt, em razão de conduzir o debate do significado da imprensa idônea para a promoção da liberdade de expressão quando torna efetivo o princípio da publicidade na esfera pública. O pensamento da autora contribui para avaliar criticamente a racionalidade do Poder judiciário brasileiro na decisão da ADPF 130 pelo fato deste conceber de modo questionável a imprensa ter o papel democrático de ser formadora de opinião pública e de compreender que qualquer lei para regulamentar a atividade midiática implica automaticamente em cair no risco da censura prévia. No capítulo I, o trabalho sumariza as argumentações propostas na ADPF para indicar que a maioria dos votos dos ministros se situa a partir das concepções gerais do liberalismo e as suas consequências para atuação da imprensa na democracia brasileira. Em seguida, na primeira parte do capítulo II serão apresentadas as principais características do pensamento político de Arendt contempladas nas obras A condição humana e Origens do totalitarismo, em uma perspectiva de situá-las na tradição política do pensamento político ocidental, expondo, de forma geral, os contornos de seu sistema político, como: distinção entre domínio público e domínio privado, vita activa e doxa e função da lei. Assim, passa-se a analisar, em momento posterior no capítulo II as manifestações do pensamento arendtiano em torno da liberdade de expressão e a repercussão do seu significado na imprensa idônea. O capítulo III posiciona o pensamento arendtiano na tradição política do mundo ocidental. Nele, Arendt aponta quando a liberdade política que se manifesta entre o eu-posso e eu-quero se dissocia, o qual ocasiona obstáculos para a aparição da doxa no agir em concerto entre os homens. Assim, equivocadamente a política passa a ser vista apenas como um velho truísmo de assegurar a liberdade. Compreendemos que, neste contexto, a imprensa é concebida pela maioria dos votos dos ministros com o papel de ser formadora de opinião pública pelo fato de considerarem implicitamente que vivemos numa democracia onde os homens não participam efetivamente na vida pública.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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On spine: Erläuterung des reglements über zensur und drucke.
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Also pub. as the author's inaug. diss., Tübingen.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Half-title: Moi︢a︣ povest'o samom sebi︢e︣ i o tom "Chemu svidietel' v zhizni byl."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Przedmiotem artykułu jest problem ochrony prawa do prywatności w polskim procesie karnym w kontekście relacjonowania przebiegu rozprawy głównej przez media. Analizie zostały poddane zarówno warunki dopuszczalności relacjonowania rozprawy, przedmiot ingerencji, jak i podmioty, których prawo do prywatności może być naruszone w toku relacjonowania rozprawy głównej przez media. Prawo do prywatności jest współcześnie chronione nie tylko przez normy prawa cywilnego, ale również przez prawo konstytucyjne, stąd obowiązek przestrzegania i poszanowania prawa do prywatności ciąży także na organach prowadzących postępowanie karne. Jak wynika z zamieszonych w artykule rozważań, możliwe jest pogodzenie pozornie sprzecznych celów procesu karnego z koniecznością poszanowania prawa do prywatności, a sfera prywatna jednostek podlega ochronie również w procesie karnym. Wśród zagrożeń dla efektywnej ochrony prawa od prywatności należy jednak wskazać brak sankcji za złamanie zakazu publikacji danych osobowych czy wizerunku, którego nie przewidują ani normy prawa karnego ani prawa prasowego.
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What role does Australia play in debates over the regulation and governance of the Internet? Is it a hub? A node in the information grid? Or is it a mere cul–de–sac? Or are we mere road–kill, bush junk, on the information autobahn?