24 resultados para Precarization
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Precarious work, in contrast to regular, permanent wage work, is commonly associated to insecure and unstable, and often poor quality jobs. The concept of precarious work relates either to a socioeconomic group which allows one to refer it to a "class in itself," or as - pursued more recently - to the precarization process which results in a growing fragmentation of societal structures. Common to both conceptions is that they refer to the exposition of workers to employment instability, limited access to legal and union protection, socially irresponsible and discriminating employment practices, and social and economic vulnerability in general. The present contribution provides an overview of some key issues and future directions of research on precarious work relevant to CSR researchers, policy-makers, and social scientists.
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L’expansion de l’organisation de la production des biens et services sous forme de réseau, découlant de la recherche de flexibilité face à une concurrence économique accrue, soulève des enjeux importants pour les relations industrielles. Notre thèse s’intéresse au processus de précarisation des emplois dans les segments externalisés des réseaux de production. Elle se base sur trois études de cas portant sur les réseaux de services publics et privés d’aide à domicile au Québec. Les études en droit critique ont montré que le droit du travail, fondé sur le modèle de l’entreprise intégrée et de la relation d’emploi bipartite, ne parvient pas à identifier comme employeurs certaines organisations dont l’action a pourtant un effet déterminant sur les conditions de travail dans les réseaux. Notre thèse visait donc à mettre en lumière la réalité empirique des relations de pouvoir qui traversent les réseaux et leurs effets et ce à partir d’un modèle analytique transdisciplinaire intégrant les dimensions juridiques et sociologiques. Les résultats nous amènent d’abord à constater que l’employeur juridique des travailleuses employées par les prestataires privés intégrés aux réseaux – une majorité de femmes – est le plus souvent une agence de location de personnel, une entreprise d’économie sociale ou même l’usager-ère des services d’aide à domicile. Cet employeur est rarement identifié aux organismes publics, donc sous l’égide de l’État, qui exercent un pouvoir prépondérant dans ces réseaux. Le décalage entre la régulation juridique du travail et la réalité empirique du pouvoir intra-réseau entraîne une précarisation de la protection sociale et des conditions de travail de ces travailleuses. Ainsi, la faible protection de leurs droits de représentation et de négociation collectives facilite l’imposition de la « disponibilité permanente juste-à-temps », combinant les logiques du lean et du travail domestique, ainsi qu’une déqualification sexuée et racialisée de leurs emplois par rapport à la situation dans le secteur public. Notre étude montre néanmoins que certaines pratiques innovatrices d’action collective réticulaire ont pu influencer la dynamique de pouvoir, en particulier celles portées par des associations locales de personnes handicapées recourant aux services et par un syndicat de travailleuses d’agence.
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The changes that have occurred in the Brazilian work market, mainly due to the opening of the economy in the 90th decade, have caused, as a consequence, the unemployment in the formal sector, with the reduction of posts of work in the industry and the precarization of the laborwork. In order to face these questions, it¿s necessary an analysis of the alternative measures, among them, the creation of the cooperative societies, which have increased about 90,8% in the last years. The purpose of this study is to identify and to analyze the functions of the work cooperatives, just in face of the changes of the Brazilian society. The analysis was directed towards a group of eight work cooperatives that work in lots of areas of professionals in the Municipality of Rio de Janeiro. The study reveals the existence of false work cooperatives, whose sole purpose is to intermediate the handiwork with the intention of benefiting enterprises that intend to decrease their own costs of production, just contributing for the precarization of the relations of work. The structure of the Judicial Power offers solutions that protect the workers who are exploited through fraudulent actions, by the false cooperatives, handiworkers. It can be noticed that this structure is enough to answer the challenges presented. It means that it is too bad to apprehend the revival of the work cooperativism and that it must be combated. Of course, it is maniqueist conception that distorts reality and disdains positive aspects of cooperative system. The results of the search have permitted to point out the main characteristics of the work cooperatives analyzed, the profile of the cooperative workers, and also the main obstacles to the development of the cooperative system in Brazil today . A long the analysis of tributary and labor questions and about the participation of the cooperative workers in the management of the cooperative - the most questionable points - it could be observed the development of real cooperative practices, trying to establish the differences between these and the fraudulent ones, also studied in this work. This study represents a contribution to all those who intend to study new relations of work in a critical away and from experiences in development.
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Neoliberalism and developmentalism are the two alternative forms of economic and political organization of capitalism. Since the 2008 global financial crisis we see the demise of neoliberalism in rich countries, as state intervention and regulation increased, opening room for a third historical developmentalism (the first was mercantilism, the second, Fordism). Not only because of major market failures, not only because the market is definitely unable to assure financial stability and full employment, an active macroeconomic policy is being required. Modern economies are divided into a competitive and a non-competitive sector; for the coordination of the competitive sector the market is irreplaceable and regulation as well as strategic industrial policy will be pragmatically adopted following the subsidiarity principle, whereas for the non-competitive sector, state coordination and some state ownership are usually more efficient. Besides, the fact that capitalist economies are increasingly diversified and complex is an argument against the two extremes – against statism as well as neoliberalism – in so far that they require market coordination combined with increased regulation. But the third developmentalism probably will not be progressive as was the second, because the social-democratic political parties are disoriented. They won the battle for the welfare state, which neoliberalism was unable to dismantle, but the competition of low wage developing countries and immigration continue to offer arguments to conservative political parties that defend the reduction of the cost of labor contracts or the or precarization of labor.
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To present research had for objective to study the quality of the employment in the maturation Laboratories and larviculture of the Beach of Barreta/RN, adopting for so much the criteria used by Reinecke(1999) to characterize a quality employment: surrender, benefits non salary, regularity and work reliability and of the wage, contractual status, social protection, work day, intensity of the work, risk of accidents and of occupational diseases, involvement in linked decisions to the section work, possibility for the development of professional qualifications. Of the exam of the data it was verified that the generated employments are considered employments of good quality. However, this result should be analyzed to the light of a context of extreme informality and of precarization of the work. Therefore, the results should be relativized. He/she/you imports to retain that one of the limitations of the study resides in the impossibility of generalizing the data for the whole section of the sea carcinicultura. In spite of that fact, he/she is considered that the objectives of the research were assisted fully and that the characterization of the profile of the employment generated by the section of the shrimpculture it is extremely important for the drawing of public politics gone back to foment this activity.
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This work aims to show that the protection of the employment relation is one of the determining factors to respect the principle of the human dignity. The goal is initially to show the devaluation of work from antiquity to the early twentieth century, when the constitutions began to standardize protective devices. This way, the consecration of the social labor rights in the Constitution of 1988 represents the culmination of the historical achievements. This work demonstrates that such rights can not be reduced or suppressed by political conveniences, once these rights are included in the list of immutable clauses. It is displayed that to achieve the fundamental right to work is not well advised to encourage the creation of jobs that maculates the worker s dignity. The outsourced work is, therefore, a classic example of the advancement of precarious forms of contemporary labor. It is inferred that the presence of various forms of harassment results in a degradation of working environment, bringing about dire consequences on professional and personal life of the worker. Thus, decent work must be the appropriate benchmark for the creation of new jobs. It is also shown that the flexibilization of the propaganda rights by certain pressure groups has as main goal to reduce or eliminate rights, based on fallacious data depicting an increase of competitiveness and jobs. In addition, the flexibility implies a growth of the precarization of the work - a reality felt by many workers subjected to such a situation due to the unemployment phenomenon whose origin is not in the protectionism of the norms. It is necessary to expand and structure the constitutionally legitimate institutions to monitor and curb the precarized work, as well as all practices that go against the dignity of the worker. It is also shown the loss of power of the sindicates in the last few years as a consequence of the pulverization workes and the capital attacks through the productive restructure whose outsourcings and privatizations are notorious examples
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Precarization of work, process situated historically after the third Industrial Revolution, express itself as one of the faces of changes in production modus and working conditions. The present study aims to identify the process of work precarization in supermarket sector in Natal municipality. The choice for this sector and professional category is based on low investment in studies on the commercial sector and on technological and administrative transformations that supermarkets have implemented. After a bibliographical review, ten indicators of precarization were chosen which permitted to set up a schedule to interviews and its application to employees of two supermarkets (local companies) in Natal area. The following working functions were chosen to participate in the survey: cashier, display assistant (shelf-stacker) and attendants (N=6). From the interviews we developed an analysis of categorical contents in order to identify the presence of precarization indicators. Categorizations allowed us to identify five major themes: work categorization; work meaning: its attributes; work meaning: work centrality; comments on the employment of apprentices or trainees; and transversal work contents. Such themes contents express or not the presence of precarization process at supermarket sector in Natal area. Precarious work is identified in participants speech when they refer to the employees decreasing power in salaries negotiation between them and employers that institute the precarious work conditions
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The present study is about the professional exercise of the Social Worker in ONGs associated with the ABONG in Natal city, state of Rio Grande do Norte, referring to the work conditions, claims and professional responses in front of the capital restructuration circumstances. The group of socio-historical transformations, as a result of the after-1970 dynamic capitalism, conducts a process of new configurations in the relationship between State and society that directly affect the social question nowadays, destroying social rights historically conquered for the workers. In this context, the ONGs assume a strategical social function of the social question, contributing with the change of responsibilities with the social from the State to the third sector. This social movement causes changes to the Social Work since this is one of the professions that act on the immediate expressions of the social question. After a qualitative research based on a theoricalmethodological critical and dialectical perspective, it was possible to discover some contradictions, details and tendencies of the professional exercise of the Social Worker in ONGs. Summarizing, the results of the research show that: a) it was detected a tendency of precarization, instability, insecurity, no-articulation, no-profissionalization of the professionals in the work conditions; b) demands are associated with a moment of the capital re-ordering, where new professional exigencies and responsibilities are related with capital necessities in the period of structural crisis; c) limits and contradictions are present in a professional daily work mainly in function of the characteristics of gestation and functioning of the ONGs; d) the professionals that were interviewed show significant difficulties in a articulation between the professional daily work in organizations and the totality of the social processes, limiting the capability of doing critics to the requisitions imposed by the capital
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Educação - FFC
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A contratação temporária de docentes, na Universidade do Estado do Pará (UEPA), caracteriza-se pela sua ampla dimensão política e econômica evidenciada nas transformações do mundo do trabalho e na significação das categorias trabalho e trabalho docente. No caso da universidade, isso tem relação com as mudanças estruturais da Educação Superior brasileira, com as crises do capitalismo global, com as estratégias realizadas pelos governos neoliberais e com as medidas que vêm sendo tomadas pela administração superior da UEPA. A contratação temporária potencializada na flexibilização e na desvalorização de salários, direitos trabalhistas, condições de trabalho e o isolamento desses trabalhadores na participação direta na produção do trabalho material e imaterial dos conhecimentos acadêmicos, científicos e tecnológicos, precariza ainda mais o trabalho docente e possibilita o não fortalecimento da UEPA como uma instituição de referência no Estado do Pará no ensino superior público, gratuito e de qualidade socialmente referenciada. O objetivo geral foi analisar a contratação temporária de docentes na UEPA, considerando os diferentes cursos e a sua localização por campus e núcleos, sob os diferentes tipos de contratação que precarizam o trabalho docente. Os objetivos específicos foram identificar as mudanças ocorridas no papel do Estado e as suas influências no trabalho docente por meio das reformas do Estado e da Educação Superior; descrever o sentido da categoria trabalho docente; apresentar as posições dos docentes e do movimento docente quanto às reais condições do trabalho pela via do contrato temporário na UEPA. O estudo de caso discursivo e analítico com abordagem qualitativa caracteriza o percurso metodológico escolhido. A coleta de dados se deu por meio de revisão da literatura, aplicação de questionários, realização de entrevistas e análise documental. Constatou-se que existe o reconhecimento dos docentes temporários da UEPA e da direção do SINDUEPA de que a contratação temporária é uma forma perversa de precarização porque restringe, divide e compromete a qualidade do trabalho acadêmico e dificulta a mobilização, a organização e a luta da categoria; que intensifica a produção do trabalho e dificulta que os sujeitos entendam a precarização como resultado das ações políticas dos governos, Estados e instituições que adotam medidas neoliberais e ocasionam diminuição das responsabilidades institucionais que geram perda de direitos trabalhistas, desemprego/subemprego estrutural e a flexibilização de serviços.
Resumo:
A presente dissertação aborda a reestruturação produtiva nas fábricas da ALBRÁS e da ALUNORTE, localizadas no município de Barcarena/PA, e como o movimento operário se contrapôs a este processo no período de 1990-2005. Através de um estudo da crise crônica da economia capitalista mundial, agravada pelos dois choques do petróleo, tenta-se explicar como foi possível a instalação na Amazônia Oriental de duas fábricas modernas, com um contingente operário altamente concentrado. Destaca-se o quanto o papel do Estado é fundamental para que esse processo ocorra. Também analisamos como a partir do fenômeno da “globalização” – que nada mais é do que uma fase superior do imperialismo –, e dos novos processos de organização do trabalho – principalmente o modelo toyotista –, o movimento operário e suas organizações foram colocados à prova por conta da flexibilização do trabalho, da precarização, da terceirização e subcontratação, que dificultaram na década de 90 as greves e ações da classe trabalhadora no Brasil e no mundo. Baseado em materiais bibliográficos, folhetos e em entrevistas com operários e dirigentes sindicais, o trabalho evidencia que a luta contra a reestruturação produtiva na ALBRAS foi mais intensa, inclusive com o método da greve, do que na ALUNORTE, porque a ALBRAS tinha dez anos à frente da ALUNORTE e foi o primeiro laboratório da CVRD na cidade de Barcarena. Contraditoriamente, foi na ALBRAS onde aconteceu a maioria das demissões no período estudado, antes e depois da privatização da CVRD. A dissertação procura mostrar o papel do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos e dos Químicos nesse processo de luta contra a reestruturação produtiva nas fábricas da ALBRAS e da ALUNORTE.
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Der Aufsatz unternimmt eine sozialethische Analyse und Bewertung des umstrittenen Phänomens der Prekarisierung, indem er den sozialwissenschaftlichen Gehalt des Konzepts erhebt, die Argumente für und gegen die Verwendung im sozialethischen Kontext abwägt und Kriterien der ethischen Bewertung entwirft. In einem Ausblick werden mögliche sozialpolitische Strategien im Umgang mit dem Problem skizziert.
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Gesellschaft erscheint uns heute im flackernden Licht der Verunsicherung. Nicht erst seit der Finanzkrise erweisen sich stabil geglaubte Arbeits- und Lebensverhältnisse als prekär. Der Autor stellt die wichtigsten ökonomischen und soziologischen Theorien der Prekarisierung vor und zeigt: Prekarität hat die Gesellschaft in ihrer Gesamtheit erfasst. Wir leben in der Prekarisierungsgesellschaft. Aber was ist daraus zu schließen? Marchart beschreibt die gegenwärtigen Sozialproteste und ihre Forderungen. Er untersucht ihre demokratiepolitischen Implikationen und führt hin zu einer Gesellschaftstheorie des Konflikts und der Kontingenz.