From possessive pronoun to emphatic determiner: 'so' in Mauritian Creole

This paper argues that at a particular stage in the genesis of Mauritian Creole (MC), the 3sg possessive pronoun 'so', inherited from the French 'son' was used as a definite determiner as well as a possessive pronoun. It was used when there was a need to single out a unique element in the discourse, or to introduce a new referent which was to become the focus of attention. 'So' was mostly used with genitive constructions, where a phonologically null determiner was equally grammatical. This paper argues that, in the early creole, genitive constructions licensed the determinative use of this pronoun. The use of 'so' with genitive constructions is no longer grammatical in modern MC, but this particle continues to be used as an emphatic determiner, where it now modifies both singular and plural NPs.

Avoir ou ne pas être : la constitution possessive de l'organisation

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle entre le Département de communication de l'Université de Montréal (sous la direction de François Cooren)et le Centre de sociologie des organisation de Sciences Po Paris (Institut d'études politiques de Paris; sous la direction de Bruno Latour).

The possessive logic of patriarchal white sovereignty: The High Court and the Yorta Yorta decision

Race is fundamental in shaping the development of Australian law just as it has played its part in other former colonies, such as the United States, where a body of critical race theory has been established on the basis of this premise. Drawing on this theory I argue that the possessive logic of patriarchal white sovereignty works ideologically to naturalise the nation as a white possession by informing and circulating a coherent set of meanings about white possession as part of common sense knowledge and socially produced conventions in the High Court's Yorta Yorta decision.

A Representação de Personagens Virtuais: Como a Tecnologia Obriga à Criação de Estilos e Estéticas Interdisciplinares na Animação Contemporânea

The evolution of computer animation represents one of the most relevant andrevolutionary aspects in the rise of contemporary digital visual culture (Darlew,2000), in particular, phenomena such as cinema “spectacular “ (Ibidem) and videogames. This article analyzes the characteristics of this “culture of simulation” (Turkle, 1995:20) relating the multidisciplinary and spectrum of technical and stylistic choices to the dimension of virtual characters acting. The result of these hybrid mixtures and computerized human motion capture techniques - called virtual cinema, universal capture, motion capture, etc. - cosists mainly on the sophistication of “rotoscoping”, as a new interpretation and appropriation of the captured image. This human motion capture technology, used largely by cinema and digital games, is one of the reasons why the authenticity of the animation is sometimes questioned. It is in the fi eld of 3D computer animation visual that this change is more signifi cant, appearing regularly innovative techniques of image manipulation and “hyper-cinema” (Lamarre, 2006: 31) character’s control with deeper sense of emotions. This shift in the culture that Manovich (2006: 27) calls “photo-GRAPHICS” - and Mulvey (2007) argue that creates a new form of possessive relationship with the viewer, in that it can analyze in detail the image, it can acquire it and modify it - is one of the most important aspects in the rise of Cubbit’s (2007) “cinema of attraction”. This article delves intrinsically into the analyze of virtual character animation — particularly in the fi eld of 3D computer animation and human digital acting.

Irrallinen genetiivi ja omistusrakenteen ongelma

Summary: Loose genitives and the problem of possessive constructions

Puhesuomen muuttuva omistusmuotojärjestelmä

Summary: Morphological changes in spoken Finnish possessive forms

Kielellisen variaation ja sosiaalisen muutoksen suhteesta

Summary: On the relation between language variation and social change : the possessive mopheme system in the Artjärvi dialect in the 20th century

Kolmannen persoonan omistusliitteen ei-refleksiivinen käyttö

Summary: Non-reflexive use of the third person possessive suffix

Некоторые наблюдения по поводу построения компьютерного морфологического анализатора марийского языка. [Problems in writing a two-level model of Mari morphology]

The article describes some concrete problems that were encountered when writing a two-level model of Mari morphology. Mari is an agglutinative Finno-Ugric language spoken in Russia by about 600 000 people. The work was begun in the 1980s on the basis of K. Koskenniemi’s Two-Level Morphology (1983), but in the latest stage R. Beesley’s and L. Karttunen’s Finite State Morphology (2003) was used. Many of the problems described in the article concern the inexplicitness of the rules in Mari grammars and the lack of information about the exact distribution of some suffixes, e.g. enclitics. The Mari grammars usually give complete paradigms for a few unproblematic verb stems, whereas the difficult or unclear forms of certain verbs are only superficially discussed. Another example of phenomena that are poorly described in grammars is the way suffixes with an initial sibilant combine to stems ending in a sibilant. The help of informants and searches from electronic corpora were used to overcome such difficulties in the development of the two-level model of Mari. The variation of the order of plural markers, case suffixes and possessive suffixes is a typical feature of Mari. The morphotactic rules constructed for Mari declensional forms tend to be recursive and their productivity must be limited by some technical device, such as filters. In the present model, certain plural markers were treated like nouns. The positional and functional versatility of the possessive suffixes can be regarded as the most challenging phenomenon in attempts to formalize the Mari morphology. Cyrillic orthography, which was used in the model, also caused problems. For instance, a Cyrillic letter may represent a sequence of two sounds, the first being part of the word stem while the other belongs to a suffix. In some cases, letters for voiced consonants are also generalized to represent voiceless consonants. Such orthographical conventions distance a morphological model based on orthography from the actual (morpho)phonological processes in the language.

Recasts, uptake and learning : effects and relationships

L’uptake est la réponse immédiate de l’apprenant suite à la rétroaction de l’enseignant (Lyster & Ranta, 1997). Cette étude investigue la relation entre l’uptake et l’apprentissage des déterminants possessifs et des questions d’anglais L2. Elle examine aussi l’effet des reformulations implicites et explicites en termes d’uptake et d’apprentissage. Deux classes intensives (ESL) de sixième année du primaire (N=53) à Montréal ont participé à cette étude. Les deux classes ont été réparties en deux groupes : reformulations explicites et reformulations implicites. L’intervention comportait des activités communicatives. Les élèves ont été testés sur les formes cibles immédiatement avant et après le traitement pédagogique en utilisant des taches orales. Les résultats ont confirmé l’effet supérieur des reformulations explicites en termes d’uptake et d’apprentissage et que l’effet des reformulations dépend de la cible. Cette étude a montré aussi que l’uptake peut faciliter l’apprentissage et que son absence n’est pas signe de manque d’apprentissage.

El español de los inmigrantes de los Andes bolivianos en el Norte Grande de Chile : convergencias y divergencias dialectales en el marco de una situación de contacto

Cette thèse a été financée par le Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada (numéro de référence 767-2010-1310)

Production of relative clauses in monolingual Turkish children

Research on the production of relative clauses (RCs) has shown that in English, although children start using intransitive RCs at an earlier age, more complex, bi-propositional object RCs appear later (Hamburger & Crain, 1982; Diessel and Tomasello, 2005), and children use resumptive pronouns both in acceptable and unacceptable ways (McKee, McDaniel, & Snedeker, 1998; McKee & McDaniel, 2001). To date, it is unclear whether or not the same picture emerges in Turkish, a language with an SOV word-order and overt case marking. Some studies suggested that subject RCs are more frequent in adults and children (Slobin, 1986) and yield a better performance than object RCs (Özcan, 1996), but others reported the opposite pattern (Ekmekçi, 1990). Our study addresses this issue in Turkish children and adults, and uses participants’ errors to account for the emerging asymmetry between subject and object RCs. 37 5-to-8 year old monolingual Turkish children and 23 adult controls participated in a novel elicitation task involving cards, each consisting of four different pictures (see Figure 1). There were two sets of cards, one for the participant and one for the researcher. The former had animals with accessories (e.g., a hat) whereas the latter had no accessories. Participants were instructed to hold their card without showing it to the researcher and describe the animals with particular accessories. This prompted the use of subject and object RCs. The researcher had to identify the animals in her card (see Figure 2). A preliminary repeated measures ANOVA with the factor Group (pre-school, primary-school children) showed no differences between the groups in the use of RCs (p>.1), who were therefore collapsed into one for further analyses. A repeated measures ANOVA with the factors Group (children, adults) and RC-Type (Subject, Object) showed that children used fewer RCs than adults (F(1,58)=7.54, p<.01), and both groups used fewer object than subject RCs (F(1,58)=22.46, p<.001), but there was no Group by RC-Type interaction (see Figure 3). A similar ANOVA on the rate of grammatical RCs showed a main effect of Group (F(1,58)=77.25, p<.001), a main effect of RC-Type (F(1,58)=66.33, p<.001), and an interaction of Group by RC-Type (F(1,58)=64.6, p<.001) (see Figure 4). Children made more errors than adults in object RCs (F(1,58)=87.01, p<.001), and children made more errors in object compared to subject RCs (F(1,36)=106.35, p<.001), but adults did not show this asymmetry. The error analysis revealed that children systematically avoided the object-relativizing morpheme –DIK, which requires possessive agreement with the genitive-marked subject. They also used resumptive pronouns and resumptive full-DPs in the extraction site similarly to English children (see Figure 5). These findings are in line with Slobin (1986) and Özcan (1996). Children’s errors suggest that they avoid morphosyntactic complexity of object RCs and try to preserve the canonical word order by inserting resumptive pronouns in the extraction site. Finally, cross-linguistic similarity in the acquisition of RCs in typologically different languages suggests a higher accessibility of subject RCs both at the structural (Keenan and Comrie, 1977) and conceptual level (Bock and Warren, 1986).

Production and processing asymmetries in the acquisition of tense morphology by sequential bilingual children

This study investigates the production and on-line processing of English tense morphemes by sequential bilingual (L2) Turkish-speaking children with more than three years of exposure to English. Thirty nine 6-9-year-old L2 children and 28 typically developing age-matched monolingual (L1) children were administered the production component for third person –s and past tense of the Test for Early Grammatical Impairment (Rice & Wexler, 1996) and participated in an on-line word-monitoring task involving grammatical and ungrammatical sentences with presence/omission of tense (third person –s, past tense -ed) and non-tense (progressive –ing, possessive ‘s) morphemes. The L2 children’s performance on the on-line task was compared to that of children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI) in Montgomery & Leonard (1998, 2006) to ascertain similarities and differences between the two populations. Results showed that the L2 children were sensitive to the ungrammaticality induced by the omission of tense morphemes, despite variable production. This reinforces the claim about intact underlying syntactic representations in child L2 acquisition despite non target-like production (Haznedar & Schwartz, 1997).