806 resultados para Poor families
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Latin American students consistently score low on international tests of cognitive skills. In the PISA 2012 results, students in seven Latin American countries had an average score of 395, or about 100 points lower than the average score of 497 in four Scandinavian countries. We examine why Latin American scores are lower and conclude that 50 points are explained by Latin American families’ lower average educational and socioeconomic characteristics, 25 points are explained by Latin America’s weak cultural orientation toward reading books, and the remaining 25 points are explained by the lower effectiveness of educational systems in teaching cognitive skills.
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Colombia suffers from one of the longest civil conflicts in the world, which is believed to have had several consequences on the country’s economic and development performance. This study uses measures of central government deterrence effort as instruments of conflict to estimate the impact of conflict on children’s time allocation to two different types of work: housework and work performed outside the household for poor families living in small municipalities in Colombia. I find that conflict significantly increases the amount of time children allocate to work. Both housework, for girls, and work outside the household, for boys, increase with Guerrilla attacks. However, the later effect is the opposite for Paramilitary attacks.
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This paper studies the effect of credit constraints and constraints on transfers between parents and children, on differences in labor and schooling across children within the same household, with an application to gender. When families are unconstrained in these respects, differences in labor supply or education are driven by differences in wages or returns to education. If the family faces an imperfect capital market, the labor supply of each child is inefficient, but differences across children are still driven by comparative advantage. However, if interfamily transfers are constrained so that parents cannot offset inequality between their children, they will favor the human capital accumulation of the more disadvantaged child -generally the one who works more as a child. We use our theory to examine the gender gap in child labor. Using a sample of poor families in Colombia, we conform our predictions among rural households, although this is less clear for urban households. The gender gap is largely explained by the wage gap between girls and boys. Moreover, families with the potential to make capital transfers to adult children (e.g. those with large animals), can compensate adult sons for their greater child labor and reduced educational attainment. In such families, as predicted, the male/female labor gap is greater.
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Background and Aims: Molecular phylogenies have suggested a new circumscription for Fabales to include Leguminosae, Quillajaceae, Surianaceae and Polygalaceae. However, recent attempts to reconstruct the interfamilial relationships of the order have resulted in several alternative hypotheses, including a sister relationship between Quillajaceae and Surianaceae, the two species-poor families of Fabales. Here, floral morphology and ontogeny of these two families are investigated to explore evidence of a potential relationship between them. Floral traits are discussed with respect to early radiation in the order. Methods: Floral buds of representatives of Quillajaceae and Surianaceae were dissected and observed using light microscopy and scanning electron microscopy. Key Results Quillajaceae and Surianaceae possess some common traits, such as inflorescence morphology and perianth initiation, but development and organization of their reproductive whorls differ. In Quillaja, initiation of the diplostemonous androecium is unidirectional, overlapping with the petal primordia. In contrast, Suriana is obdiplostemonous, and floral organ initiation is simultaneous. Independent initiation of five carpels is common to both Quillaja and Suriana, but subsequent development differs; the antesepalous carpels of Quillaja become fused proximally and exhibit two rows of ovules, and in Suriana the gynoecium is apocarpous, gynobasic, with antepetalous biovulate carpels. Conclusions: Differences in the reproductive development and organization of Quillajaceae and Surianaceae cast doubt on their potential sister relationship. Instead, Quillaja resembles Leguminosae in some floral traits, a hypothesis not suggested by molecular-based phylogenies. Despite implicit associations of zygomorphy with species-rich clades and actinomorphy with species-poor families in Fabales, this correlation sometimes fails due to high variation in floral symmetry. Studies considering specific derived clades and reproductive biology could address more precise hypotheses of key innovation and differential diversification in the order.
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Approximately 1.6 per 1,000 newborns in the U.S. are born with hearing loss. Congenital hearing loss poses a risk to their speech, language, cognitive, and social-emotional development. Early detection and intervention can improve outcomes. Every state has an Early Hearing Detection and Intervention program (EHDI) to promote and track screening, audiological assessments and linkage to early intervention. However, a large percentage of children are “lost to system (LTS),” meaning that they did not receive recommended care or that it was not reported. This study used data from the 2009-2010 National Survey of Children with Special Health Care Needs and data from the 2011 EHDI Hearing Screening and Follow-Up Survey to examine how 1) family characteristics; 2) EHDI program effectiveness, as determined by LTS percentages; and 3) the family conditions of education and poverty are related to parental report of inadequate care. The sample comprised 684 children between the ages of 0 and 5 years with hearing loss. The results indicated that living in states with less effective EHDI programs was associated with an increased likelihood of not receiving early intervention services (EIS) and of reporting poor family-centered communication. Sibling classification was associated with both receipt of EIS and report of unmet need. Single mothers were less likely to report increased difficulties accessing care. Poor and less educated families, assessed separately, who lived in states with less effective EHDI programs, were more likely to report non-receipt of EIS and less likely to report unmet need as compared to similar families living in states with more effective programs. Poor families living in states with less effective programs were more likely to report less coordinated care than were poor families living in states with more effective programs. This study supports the conclusion that both family characteristics and the effectiveness of state programs affect quality of care outcomes. It appears that less effective state programs affect disadvantaged families’ service receipt report more than that of advantaged families. These findings are important because they may provide insights into the development of targeted efforts to improve the system of care for children with hearing loss.
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The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.
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Este estudo de perspectiva histórico-social estuda as transformações das práticas das enfermeiras obstétricas consequente ao movimento de humanização do campo obstétrico hospitalar. Tem por objetivos: identificar o capital global das enfermeiras obstétricas; analisar as concepções das enfermeiras sobre a prática profissional no campo obstétrico hospitalar no contexto do movimento de humanização; discutir as transformações percebidas pelas enfermeiras obstétricas sobre sua prática. Utilizei como método a história oral. Os sujeitos foram 25 enfermeiras que vivenciaram no campo obstétrico hospitalar, antes e após a implementação do movimento de humanização. Os cenários foram seis maternidades municipais do Rio de Janeiro. A técnica de coleta de dados foi a entrevista semiestruturada. À luz da perspectiva histórica realizarei a análise dos dados, tendo como base os pressupostos de Pierre Bourdieu. A conjuntura obstétrica do nascimento das entrevistadas era a de transição do parto domiciliar para o ambiente hospitalar. O cenário do parto e nascimento de muitas delas foi uma instituição pública de saúde ou conveniada. As agentes são oriundas de famílias humildes, com pouco capital econômico e cultural. Ressalta-se que as condições de acumulação de capital destas enfermeiras, à época, foram proporcionais às oportunidades que tiveram no campo social em que se encontravam e do processo de socialização. Algumas, após o curso de graduação em enfermagem, buscaram a especialização para adquirir um certificado, que lhes aumentasse o volume de capital e as legitimasse para a realização da assistência ao parto normal. O contexto político onde muitas adquiriram o título de especialista era o de implementação do modelo humanizado no campo obstétrico do município do Rio de Janeiro, favorável para a redução de práticas intervencionistas à parturiente com o incentivo ao parto normal focado na autonomia e no empoderamento feminino. Desse modo, as enfermeiras perceberam que as lutas dos agentes no campo obstétrico para a implantação de um novo modo de agir na obstetrícia foram importantes no processo de mudança de suas práticas. Especificamente sobre as transformações de sua práticas elas evidenciaram que, com esse movimento social e político elas passaram a ver e a assistir a mulher, de forma mais próxima, mais humanizada através da aquisição de capital cultural eficiente, outra evidência destacada foi quanto à questão das lutas, houve o reconhecimento de que as lutas foram importantes no processo de mudança, pois com estas foi possível adquirir lucros simbólicos significativos que permitiram gerar mudanças de posição e de práticas obstétricas no campo hospitalar.
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Este trabalho é fruto de uma pesquisa realizada a partir de reportagens e notícias veiculadas na mídia impressa e em redes sociais, de debates com conselheiros tutelares, do encontro com colegas psicólogos que são técnicos do conselho tutelar e da minha experiência como professora da rede municipal do RJ. Para tanto, utiliza algumas ferramentas da análise institucional de origem francesa como proposta por Lapassade e Lourau e contribuições de Guatarri sobre a produção de subjetividades, de Foucault sobre a sociedade disciplinar e Deleuze sobre as sociedades de controle. Para chegar ao cotidiano dos conselhos tutelares precisamos entender que ao longo dos anos 1990, com a implantação da doutrina neoliberal que reduziu investimentos na área social e instalou o chamado Estado mínimo no Brasil, vivemos um importante paradoxo segundo o qual, de um lado, tínhamos o ECA propondo a garantia de direitos por meio da participação democrática da sociedade civil em articulação com o governo e que previa um órgão - conselho tutelar - que deveria reivindicar direitos e, de outro, a política neoliberal, com seus ideais de desmobilização política, abandono das políticas sociais, privatização e individualização. No contato com conselhos tutelares de municípios de diversas regiões do país podemos perceber que este foi rapidamente distanciado das suas motivações políticas de mobilização da sociedade civil e transformado num "balcão de atendimento" cuja principal função passou a ser o atendimento dos "casos", ou seja, das demandas que lá chegam. Isso porque a "participação institucionalizada e regulada" (SCHEINVAR e LEMOS, 2012) acabou consolidando-se, já que participar deixou de ser um ato de intervenção dos movimentos sociais para se transformar numa simples adesão a campanhas propostas pelo sistema político. Hoje, podemos dizer que os conselheiros habitam o "mundo das faltas". Sendo assim, despotencializado o movimento reivindicativo acusa-se à falta de estrutura, do espaço físico, rede de atendimento, participação na elaboração da proposta orçamentária, política pública de qualidade, remuneração adequada, etc. E quem trabalha com a falta tem sempre o mesmo público alvo: a família pobre. As análises das práticas cotidianas dos conselheiros têm mostrado que os conselhos tutelares com o passar dos anos passaram a funcionar sob o tripé vigilância, enquadramento e punição. O termo "risco social" ou "vulnerabilidade social" é a cada dia mais difundido por conselheiros tutelares e especialistas da rede de atendimento que têm utilizado esse "rótulo" visando disciplinar e homogeneizar as pessoas em suas relações familiares como forma de enquadramento social.
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O presente trabalho se propõe a colocar em análise as relações de três famílias pobres com o Sistema de Garantia de Direitos (SGD), as quais, por fim, tiveram o seu poder familiar destituído, sob a perspectiva da moralização, da disciplina, da vigilância e do controle. As tramas e os caminhos tortuosos, as práticas sociais punitivas e penais, as relações de verdades e os poderes que se exercem e se atualizam, as resistências e os jogos de tensões e forças que se apresentam, tudo isso está posto e descrito nas linhas desta pesquisa, à luz de autores clássicos como Foucault (principalmente), Deleuze, Guattari, Lourau, Nietzche, Donzelot, bem como contribuições mais próximas de autores nacionais, que se debruçam em estudos e pesquisas sobre os temas acima e dialogam com as situações em análise nesta pesquisa. Desnaturalizar os lugares constituídos à luz da moral, das produções subjetivas contemporâneas, dos costumes higienistas e correcionais, das tentativas de enquadramento das práticas familiares, de um jeito de ser pai e mãe, é um dos principais propósitos desta pesquisa. Trata-se de pensar e criar outras possibilidades, como um sopro de liberdade, de desconstrução de lugares, de outras perspectivas e práticas possíveis.
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La problématique des enfants de la rue touche toutes les grandes villes du monde, Port-au-Prince en particulier n’est pas épargné par ce phénomène. Durant ces vingt dernières années, Haïti a connu une crise généralisée. La situation socioéconomique des familles particulièrement les familles défavorisées devient de plus en plus précaire. C’est ainsi que l’on trouve bon nombre d’enfants qui laissent leur toit familial pour s’installer dans les rues. Ces enfants occupent les places publiques, les cimetières, les marchés publics. Ils vivent de la prostitution, de vol, de la drogue et de toute autre activité susceptible de leur rapporter un peu d’argent. Pour se protéger contre les actes de violences systématiques à leur égard, ils se regroupent en bande et forment leur propre monde. Ils sont aussi exposés aux maladies sexuellement transmissibles et à d’autres infections opportunistes. Ainsi, la rue devient un champ d’intervention où bon nombre d’institutions se donnent pour mission de nettoyer la rue. Autrement dit, beaucoup d’acteurs passent par tous les moyens pour forcer ces enfants à laisser la rue pour regagner les espaces de socialisation. L’objectif de cette étude est de dégager une compréhension globale des modèles d’intervention réalisés par les institutions de prise en charge auprès des enfants de la rue à Port-au-Prince. D’une manière spécifique, l’étude vise à comprendre les représentations sociales des intervenants de la problématique des enfants de la rue à Port-au-Prince, comprendre les stratégies d’interventions de ces institutions, saisir le sens et l’orientation de ces pratiques d’intervention. Pour ce faire, neuf entrevues semi-dirigées ont été réalisées à Port-au-Prince auprès des intervenants travaillant dans trois institutions ayant des structures différentes (fermées, ouvertes, semi-ouvertes ou semi-fermées). Les résultats nous ont permis de découvrir que les intervenants perçoivent les enfants de la rue de trois manières : délinquants, victimes et acteurs. Toutefois, les interventions réalisées par les institutions auprès de ces enfants ne les considèrent surtout que comme des délinquants, parfois des victimes, mais pas tellement des acteurs en maîtrise de leurs vies. Ce faisant, les institutions priorisent la réintégration familiale, l’insertion ou la réinsertion scolaire et l’apprentissage d’un métier. L’objectif principal de ces interventions est de porter les enfants à changer de comportement afin qu’ils regagnent leur place dans la société.
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This article discusses the links between poverty, HIV/AIDS, and barriers to education, based on the first-hand experiences of ‘street children’ in northern Tanzania. Within the context of national levels of poverty, ‘cost-sharing’ in health and education sectors, and the AIDS epidemic, poor families in Tanzania are under considerable pressure, and increasing numbers of girls and boys are consequently seeking a living independently on the streets of towns and cities. My research with street children shows that some children orphaned by AIDS are subject to rejection and exploitation by the extended family after the death of their parent(s). They are exposed to considerable risks of abuse, sexual violence and HIV within the street environment. Here, I discuss the links between poverty, HIV and barriers to education, which compound young people’s vulnerability, and offer some policy recommendations in response to the young people’s experiences.
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Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), a non-governmental organisation (NGO), runs a large number of non-formal primary schools in Bangladesh which target out-of-school children from poor families. These schools are well-known for their effectiveness in closing the gender gap in primary school enrolment. On the other hand, registered non-government secondary madrasas (or Islamic schools) today enrol one girl against every boy student. In this article, we document a positive spillover effect of BRAC schools on female secondary enrolment in registered madrasas. Drawing upon school enrolment data aggregated at the region level, we first show that regions that had more registered madrasas experienced greater secondary female enrolment growth during 1999–2003, holding the number of secular secondary schools constant. In this context we test the impact of BRAC-run primary schools on female enrolment in registered madrasas. We deal with the potential endogeneity of placement of BRAC schools using an instrumental variable approach. Controlling for factors such as local-level poverty, road access and distance from major cities, we show that regions with a greater presence of BRAC schools have higher female enrolment growth in secondary madrasas. The effect is much bigger when compared to that on secondary schools.
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We investigated chronic incorporation of metals in individuals from poor families, living in a small, restrict and allegedly contaminated area in Sao Paulo city, the surroundings of the Guarapiranga dam, responsible for water supply to 25% of the city population. A total of 59 teeth from individuals 7 to 60 years old were collected. The average concentrations of Pb, Cd, Fe, Zn, Mn, Ni and Cr were determined with an Atomic Absorption Spectrophotometer. The concentrations of all metals as function of the individuals` age exhibited a remarkable similarity: peaks between 7 and 10 years and sharply decreasing at higher ages, which could be attributed to alimentary habits and persistence to metals exposure all along the individuals` life span. From all the measured metals, lead and cadmium were a matter of much more concern since their measured values are close to the upper limits of the world wide averages. (C) 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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The south region of Sao Paulo city hosts the Guarapiranga dam, responsible for water supply to 25% of the city population. Their surroundings have been subject to intense and irregular occupation by people from very low socioeconomics classes. Measurements undertaken on sediment and particulate materials in the dam revealed concentrations of lead. copper, zinc and cadmium above internationally accepted limits. Epidemiological and toxicological studies undertaken by the World Health Organization in individuals exhibiting lead concentrations in blood, near or below the maximum recommended (10 mu g dl(-1)), surprisingly revealed that toxic effects are more intense in individuals belonging to low socioeconomics classes. Motivated by these facts, we aimed at the investigation of chronic incorporation of lead. as well as the use of our BIOKINETICS code, which is based on an accepted ICRP biokinetics model for lead, in order to extrapolate the results from teeth to other organs. The focus of our data taking was children from poor families, living in a small, restrict and allegedly contaminated area in Sao Paulo city. Thus, a total of 74 human teeth were collected. The average concentration of lead in teeth of children 5 to 10 years old was determined by means of a high-resolution inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometer (ICP-MS). For standardization of the measurements, an animal bone certified material (H-Animal Bone), from the International Atomic Energy Agency, was analyzed. The amount of lead in children living in the surroundings of the dam, was approximately 40% higher than those from the control region, and the average lead concentration was equal to 1.3 mu g g(-1) approximately. Grouping the results in terms of gender, tooth type and condition, it was concluded that a carious molar of boys is a much more efficient contamination pathway for lead, resulting in concentrations 70% higher than in the control region. We also inferred the average concentrations of lead in other organs of these children, by making use of our BIOKINETIC code. (C) 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.