762 resultados para Politics of fear


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Taking as its point of departure recent insights about the performative¦nature of genre, The Poetics and Politics of the American Gothic¦challenges the critical tendency to accept at face value that gothic¦literature is mainly about fear. Instead, Agnieszka Soltysik Monnet¦argues that the American Gothic, and gothic literature in general,¦is also about judgment: how to judge and what happens when¦judgment is confronted with situations that defy its limits.¦Poe, Hawthorne, Melville, Gilman, and James all shared a concern¦with the political and ideological debates of their time, but tended¦to approach these debates indirectly. Thus, Monnet suggests, while¦slavery and race are not the explicit subject matter of antebellum¦works by Poe and Hawthorne, they nevertheless permeate it through¦suggestive analogies and tacit references. Similarly, Melville, Gilman,¦and James use the gothic to explore the categories of gender and¦sexuality that were being renegotiated during the latter half of the¦century. Focusing on The Fall of the House of Usher, The Marble¦Faun, Pierre, The Turn of the Screw, and The Yellow Wallpaper,¦Monnet brings to bear minor texts by the same authors that further¦enrich her innovative readings of these canonical works. At the same¦time, her study persuasively argues that the Gothic's endurance¦and ubiquity are in large part related to its being uniquely adapted¦to rehearse questions about judgment and justice that continue to¦fascinate and disturb.

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This article is about the politics of conservation in postcolonial Southern Africa. It focuses on the process and consequences of redefining the Nile crocodile as an endangered species and explores the linked local and international, commercial and conservationist interests that allowed the animal to re-establish itself in state-protected waterways in colonial and postcolonial contexts. It investigates the effects of the animal's successful re-accommodation by examining conflicts between crocodiles and the fishing communities sharing space on Lake Kariba, Zimbabwe. Fishermen's hostile representations of the animal emphasize competition for fish, harassment, fear, loss of assets and loss of life. Their fear of crocodiles is heightened by the animal's entanglement in local social life, through its association with witchcraft. The article emphasizes the importance of considering both hegemonic and marginalized ideas about animals in the light of the material interactions, relations of power and historical contexts that shape them. Understanding the attitudes and circumstances of the local communities who bear the physical and economic costs of living with dangerous animals is important-it threatens the future of conservation programmes and reveals the potential for significant abuses to accompany the conservation of wildlife in postcolonial contexts. © 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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This manuscript is comprised of three papers that examine the far-reaching and often invisible political outcomes of gender role socialization in the United States. These papers focus primarily on two areas: political confidence amongst girls and women, and the effects of gender on survey measurement and data quality.

Chapter one focuses on political confidence, and the likelihood that women will run for political office. Women continue to be underrepresented at all levels of political leadership, and their lack of political ambition, relative to men, has been identified as a primary cause. In this paper, I explore the relationship between an individual's masculinity and femininity and her development of political ambition. Using original survey data from the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), I first empirically demonstrate that gender (masculinity/femininity) and sex (male/female) are unique elements of identity and, moreover, are both independently related to political ambition. I then explore the relevance of gender for the study of candidate emergence, testing whether and how masculinity and femininity might be related to political ambition are supported empirically. While the results suggest that masculinity is positively associated with the development of political ambition, the relationship between femininity and candidate emergence seems to be more complicated and not what prevailing stereotypes might lead us to expect. Moreover, while the relationship between masculinity and political ambition is the same for men and women, the relationship between femininity and political ambition is very different for women than it is for men. This study suggests that gender role socialization is highly related with both men's and women's desire to seek positions of political leadership.

Chapter two continues this exploration of gendered differences in the development of political ambition, this time exploring how social attractiveness and gendered perceptions of political leadership impact the desire to hold political office.Women are persistently underrepresented as candidates for public office and remain underrepresented at all levels of government in the United States. Previous literature suggests that the gendered ambition gap, gender socialization, insufficient recruitment, media scrutiny, family responsibilities, modern campaign strategies, and political opportunity structures all contribute to the gender imbalance in pools of officeholders and candidates. To explain women's reticence to run, scholars have offered explanations addressing structural, institutional, and individual-level factors that deter women from becoming candidates, especially for high positions in the U.S. government. This paper examines a previously unexplored factor: how dating and socialized norms of sexual attraction affect political ambition. This study investigates whether young, single, and heterosexual women's desire for male attention and fear of being perceived as unattractive or "too ambitious" present obstacles to running for office. The results of these experiments suggest that social expectations about gender, attraction and sexuality, and political office-holding may contribute to women's reticence to pursue political leadership. Chapter two is a co-authored work and represents the joint efforts of Laura Lazarus Frankel, Shauna Shames, and Nadia Farjood.

Chapter 3 bridges survey methodology and gender socialization, focusing on how interviewer sex affects survey measurement and data quality. Specifically, this paper examines whether and how matching interviewer and respondent sex affects panel attrition--respondents dropping out of the study after participating in the first wave. While the majority of research on interviewer effects suggests that matching interviewer and respondent characteristics (homophily) yields higher quality data, little work has examined whether this pattern holds true in the area of panel attrition. Using paradata from the General Social Survey (GSS), I explore this question. My analysis reveals that, despite its broader positive effects on data quality, matching interviewer and respondent sex increases likelihood to attrit. Interestingly, this phenomenon only emerges amongst male respondents. However, while assigning female interviewers to male respondents decreases their propensity to attrit, it also increases the likelihood of biased responses on gender related items. These conflicting outcomes represent a tradeoff for scholars and survey researchers, requiring careful consideration of mode, content, and study goals when designing surveys and/or analyzing survey data. The implications of these patterns and areas for further research are discussed.

Together, these papers illustrate two ways that gender norms are related to political outcomes: they contribute to patterns of candidate emergence and affect the measurement of political attitudes and behaviors.

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This article analyses the factors behind the paradoxical result of the Brazilian gun-control referendum. It adopts a qualitative approach to explore the dissemination of ideologies surrounding crime, gun control and security. For this purpose, interviews were conducted with activists involved in the referendum's campaign. The results reveal that ideologically driven campaigns in a context of corruption scandals, high levels of violence and fear influenced the result. The neoliberal discourse of individual freedoms played a role, as did the phrasing of the referendum's question, fragile confidence in public institutions and unequal campaign funding and regulation.

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Ohman and colleagues provided evidence for preferential processing of pictures depicting fear-relevant animals by showing that pictures of snakes and spiders are found faster among pictures of fiowers and mushrooms than vice versa and that the speed of detecting fear-relevant animals was not affected by set size whereas the speed of detecting fiowers/mushrooms was. Experiment 1 replicated this finding. Experiment 2, however, found similar search advantages when pictures of cats and horses or of wolves and big cats were to be found among pictures of flowers and mushrooms. Moreover, Experiment 3, in a within subject comparison, failed to find faster identification of snakes and spiders than of cats and horses among flowers and mushrooms. The present findings seem to indicate that previous reports of preferential processing of pictures of snakes and spiders in a visual search task may reflect a processing advantage for animal pictures in general rather than fear-relevance.

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Fear-relevant stimuli, such as snakes, spiders and heights, preferentially capture attention as compared to nonfear-relevant stimuli. This is said to reflect an encapsulated mechanism whereby attention is captured by the simple perceptual features of stimuli that have evolutionary significance. Research, using pictures of snakes and spiders, has found some support for this account; however, participants may have had prior fear of snakes and spiders that influenced results. The current research compared responses of snake and spider experts who had little fear of snakes and spiders, and control participants across a series of affective priming and visual search tasks. Experts discriminated between dangerous and nondangerous snakes and spiders, and expert responses to pictures of nondangerous snakes and spiders differed from those of control participants. The current results dispute that stimulus fear relevance is based purely on perceptual features, and provides support for the role of learning and experience.

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The dorsal (dPAG) and ventral (vPAG) regions of the periaqueductal gray are well known to contain the neural substrates of fear and anxiety. Chemical or electrical stimulation of the dPAG induces freezing, followed by a robust behavioral reaction that has been considered an animal model of panic attack. In contrast, the vPAG is part of a neural system, in which immobility is the usual response to its stimulation. The defense reaction induced by the stimulation of either region is accompanied by anti nociception. Although GABAergic mechanisms are known to exert tonic inhibitory control on the neural substrates of fear in the dPAG, the role of these mechanisms in the vPAG is still unclear. The present study examined defensive behaviors and antinociception induced by microinjections of an inhibitor of gamma-aminobutyric acid synthesis, L-allylglycine (L-AG; 1, 3, and 5 mu g/0.2 mu l), into either the dPAG or vPAG of rats subjected to the open field and tail-flick tests. Passive or tense immobility was the predominant behavior after L-AG (1 or 3 mu g) microinjection into the vPAG and dPAG, respectively, which was replaced with intense hyperactivity, including jumps or rearings, after injections of a higher dose (5 mu g/0.2 mu l) into the dPAG or vPAG. Moreover, whereas intra-dPAG injection of 3 mu g L-AG produced intense antinociception, only weak antinociception was induced by intra-vPAG injections of 5 mu g L-AG. These findings suggest that GABA mechanisms are involved in the mediation of antinociception and behavioral inhibition to aversive stimulation of the vPAG and exert powerful control over the neural substrates of fear in the dPAG to prevent a full-blown defense reaction possibly associated with panic disorder. (C) 2009 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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The involvement of dopamine (DA) mechanisms in the nucleus accumbens (NAC) in fear conditioning has been proposed by many studies that have challenged the view that the NAC is solely involved in the modulation of appetitive processes. However, the role of the core and shell subregions of the NAC in aversive conditioning remains unclear. The present study examined DA release in these NAC subregions using microdialysis during the expression of fear memory. Guide cannulae were implanted in rats in the NAC core and shell. Five days later, the animals received 10 footshocks (0.6 mA, 1 s duration) in a distinctive cage A (same context). On the next day, dialysis probes were inserted through the guide cannulae into the NAC core and shell subregions, and the animals were behaviorally tested for fear behavior either in the same context (cage A) or in a novel context (cage B). Dialysates were collected every 5 min for 90 min and analyzed by high-performance liquid chromatography. The rats exhibited a significant fear response in cage A but not in cage B. Moreover, increased DA levels in both NAC subregions were observed 5-25 min after the beginning of the test when the animals were tested in the same context compared with accumbal DA levels from rats tested in the different context. These findings Suggest that DA mechanisms in both the NAC core and shell may play an important role in the expression of contextual fear memory. (c) 2008 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.