982 resultados para Political strategic


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On 28 January 2008 the European Union launched the military operation EUFOR in Chad and the Central African Republic. Its mandate was to contribute to the security of the civilian population, the numerous refugees from neighboring Darfur and the local presence of the United Nations. This paper describes and analyses the planning process of this operation at the political-strategic and military-strategic levels with the aim of understanding how the military instrument was intended to generate the desired political effects. The paper argues that, from a military perspective, the EUFOR operation is based on the concept of humanitarian deterrence: the threat of military force is used to discourage potential spoilers from targeting the civilian population. As with any military operation, the planning of EUFOR was plagued by various elements of friction. At least some of this friction seems to flow from the mismatch in expectations between the political-strategic and military-strategic levels. The various political and military-technical constraints within which the operation was planned resulted in an operational posture that is less decisive than what the political ambitions would have suggested.

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The study scrutinizes the dynamics of the Finnish higher education political system. Dynamics is understood as the regularity of interaction between actors. By actors is meant the central institutions in the system. The theoretical framework of the study draws on earlier research in political science and higher education political studies. The theoretical model for analysis is built on agenda-setting theories. The theoretical model separates two dimensions of dynamics, namely the political situation and political possibilities. A political situation can be either favourable or contradictory to change. If the institutional framework within the higher education system is not compatible with the external factors of the system, the political situation is contradictory to change. To change the situation into a favourable one, one needs either to change the institutional structure or wait for external factors to change. Then again, the political possibilities can be either settled or politicized. Politicization means that new possibilities for action are found. Settled possibilities refer to routine actions performed according to old practices. The research tasks based on the theoretical model are: 1. To empirically analyse the political situation and the possibilities from the actors point of view. 2. To theoretically construct and empirically test a model for analysis of dynamics in the Finnish higher education politics. The research material consists of 25 thematic interviews with key persons in the higher education political system in 2008. In addition, there are also documents from different actors since the 1980s and statistical data. The material is analysed in four phases. In the first phase the emphasis is on trying to understand the interviewees and actors points of view. In the second phase the different types of research material are related to each other. In the third phase the findings are related to the theoretical model, which is constructed over the course of the analysis. In the fourth phase the interpretation is tested. The research distinguishes three historical periods in the Finnish higher education system and focuses on the last one. This is the era of the complex system beginning in the 1980s 1990s. Based on the interviews, four policy threads are identified and analysed in their historical context. Each of the policy threads represents one of the four possible dynamics identified in the theoretical model. The research policy thread functions according to reform dynamics. A coalition of innovation politics is able to use the politicized possibilities due to the political situation created by the conception of the national innovation system. The regional policy thread is in a gridlock dynamics. The combination of a political system based on provincial representation, a regional higher education institutional framework and outside pressure to streamline the higher education structure created a contradictory political situation. Because of this situation, the politicized possibilities in the so-called "regional development plan" do not have much effect. In the international policy thread, a consensual change dynamics is found. Through changes in the institutional framework, the higher education political system is moulded into a favourable situation. However, the possibilities are settled: a pragmatic national gaze prevailed. A dynamics of friction is found in the governance policy thread. A political situation where political-strategic and budgetary decision-making are separated is not favourable for change. In addition, as governance policy functions according to settled possibilities, the situation seems unchangeable. There are five central findings. First, the dynamics are different depending on the policy thread under scrutiny. Second, the settled possibilities in a policy thread seemed to influence other threads the most. Third, dynamics are much related to changes external to the higher education political system, the changing positions of the actors in different policy threads and the unexpected nature of the dynamics. Fourth, it is fruitful to analyse the dynamics with the theoretical model. Fifth, but only hypothetically and thus left for further research, it seems that the Finnish higher education politics is reactive and weak at politicization.

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Brasil e Argentina nutriram ao longo de décadas sentimento de rivalidade. Aos poucos, tal sentimento foi substituído pela cooperação e consequentemente integração entre os mesmos. A aproximação entre os países culminou na formulação do Mercado Comum do Sul, um dos blocos mais importantes da região sul-americana. Porém, ao longo da década de 1990, a organização passou por momentos de crises, bem como as próprias economias nacionais. Isto provocou a possibilidade de haver retrocesso ou até mesmo a dissolução do bloco que, em períodos anteriores, já tinha proporcionado aumento de fluxo de comércio e de confiança entre seus dois membros maiores. No entanto, a partir de 2003, novos governantes que assumiram o cargo de presidente no Brasil e na Argentina propiciaram uma mudança naquele contexto. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, presidente do Brasil, e Néstor Kirchner, presidente da Argentina, subiram ao poder com ideias e objetivos muito semelhantes para a integração regional. Também, havia grande preocupação com o outro em termos de política externa, considerado como forte parceiro em termos políticos, estratégicos e econômicos. A partir da aplicação de literaturas que colocavam o Estado como figura central na elaboração de política externa e de mudanças na mesma, assim como daquelas que estudam o período de 2003 a 2010, avalia-se Brasil e Argentina. O segundo mandato de Lula e o mandato de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner também são estudados, porque são considerados governos de continuidade aos anteriores. A partir desta reaproximação de Brasil e Argentina, enquanto Estados, pode-se perceber uma mudança na reconfiguração do Mercosul. Há maior interesse político para que o bloco seguisse por caminhos que não o meramente comercial. Desde então, há maior quantidade de iniciativas dentro do bloco, e maior disponibilidade e confiança por parte dos governos.

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This dissertation assesses from an under-explored angle the enduring contention over Travellers’ ethnic recognition in the Republic of Ireland, particularly over the last decade. The novelty of this study concerns not only its specific focus on and engagement with the debate on ‘Traveller ethnicity’ among Traveller activists. It also pertains to the examination of Travellers’ arguments for and against ethnicity in light of critical theorisations as well as insights from identity politics. Furthermore, the adoption of a Critical Discourse Analytical framework offers new perspectives to this controversy and its potential implications. Finally, this thesis’ relevance extends beyond the contention on ‘Traveller ethnicity’ in itself. It also draws attention to the complex dynamics of colonisation and appropriation between the global and the local. Particularly, it points to the interplay between international human rights discourses and the local ones, formulated by NGOs struggling for equality. In this way it sheds light on more general issues such as the dialectical potential of human rights discourses: the benefits and pitfalls of framing recognition claims in the legalistic terms of human rights. In this study it is argued that the contention on ‘Traveller ethnicity’ defies a simplistic polarisation between Irish Travellers and the Irish State since it has been simultaneously played out within the Travelling community. Specifically, this study explores how ‘Traveller ethnicity’ has been introduced, embraced, promoted and contested within Traveller politics to the point of becoming a hotly debated and divisive issue among Traveller activists and at the heart of the community itself. Putting Traveller activists centre-stage, their discourses for and against ‘Traveller ethnicity’ are examined and assessed against one another and their potential implications for Traveller politics, policies and identities are pointed out. Contending discourses are historically contextualised as the product of specific structural, material and discursive configurations of power and socio-economic relations within Irish society. Discourses for and against ‘Traveller ethnicity’ are assessed as being significant beyond the representational level. They are regarded as contributing to dialectically constitute Travellers’ ways of being, representing and acting. Furthermore these discourses are considered as sites and means of power struggles, whose stakes are not only words, but relate to issues of power and leadership within the Travelling community; adjudications over material resources; the adoption of certain policy approaches over others; and, finally, the consolidation of certain subject positions over others for Travellers to draw upon and relate to mainstream society. This study highlights an ongoing ideological struggle for the naturalisation of ‘Traveller ethnicity’ as a self-evident ‘fact’, which involves no active choice by Travellers themselves. Overall, ‘Traveller ethnicity’ appears to constitute an enduring source of dilemmas for the Travelling community. These revolve around the contradictory potential of ethnicity claims-making —both its perils and advantages— and its status as a potent political strategic resource that can both challenge and reinforce existing power relations, policies and identities.

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For a multiplicity of socio-economic, geo-political, strategic and identity-based reasons, Turkey’s progress towards EU membership is often treated as a sui generis case. Yet although Turkey’s accession negotiations with the European Union (EU) are essentially a bilateral – and often stormy – affair, they take place within a wider and dynamic process of enlargement in which not only can the gloomy – sometimes dark – shadows of past and prospective enlargements be clearly detected, but so too can the often chill winds from ongoing, parallel negotiations with other candidates. How the EU negotiates accession and what it expects from candidates has continued to evolve since the EU began drawing up its framework for negotiations with Turkey ten years ago. This paper charts this evolution by first identifying changes in the light of Croatia’s negotiating experience, the ‘lessons learnt’ by the EU in meeting the challenges of Bulgarian and Romanian accession, the EU’s handling of Iceland’s membership bid and accession negotiations, and the revised approach to negotiating accession evident in the more recent frameworks for accession negotiations with Montenegro and Serbia. The paper then explores the extent to which these changes have impacted on the approach the EU has adopted in framing and progressing accession negotiations with Turkey. In doing so, it questions both the consistency with which the EU’s negotiates accession and the extent to which Turkey’s progress towards EU membership is conditioned by the broader dynamics of EU enlargement as opposed to simply the dynamics within EU-Turkey relations and domestic Turkish reform efforts.

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This article analyses the counter-terrorist operations carried out by Captain (later Major General) Orde Wingate in Palestine in 1938, and considers whether these might inform current operations. Wingate's Special Night Squads were formed from British soldiers and Jewish police specifically to counter terrorist and sabotage attacks. Their approach escalated from interdicting terrorist gangs to pre-emptive attacks on suspected terrorist sanctuaries to reprisal attacks after terrorist atrocities. They continued the British practice of using irregular units in counter-insurgency, which was sustained into the postwar era and contributed to the evolution of British Special Forces. Wingate's methods proved effective in pacifying terrorist-infested areas and could be applied again, but only in the face of 'friction' arising from changes in cultural attitudes since the 1930s, and from the political-strategic context of post-2001 counter-insurgent and counter-terrorist operations. In some cases, however, public opinion might not preclude the use of some of Wingate's techniques.

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In the post Cold War period, in the security field, has increased the mechanisms of cooperation and coordination among the Latin American states, in the context of so called confidence-building measures. These arrangements presented as important and efficient tools of political-strategic articulation and assist in the maintenance of peace in the region. The paper presents some considerations about the current scenario in terms of security and defense in Latin America. Initially, presents concepts of security and defense and perceptions of threats by the states. Then, discusses the mechanisms of cooperation and coordination in security have been established on the American continent in the periods of the Cold War and post Cold War. Finally, presents considerations regarding the scenario and the prospects of security issues in the region.

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El presente artículo constituye un intento de sistematización de avances de investigación expuestos en diferentes trabajos (Formento y Merino, 2011; Merino 2011a; 2011b; 2011c; 2011d), en los cuales fue tomando cada vez mayor relevancia la cuestión del territorio. En este sentido, nos focalizaremos en cuatro ejes que consideramos claves desde nuestra perspectiva. En primer lugar, el capital financiero transnacional, su territorialidad y la construcción de lo que llamaremos, como tendencia, un Estado Global. En segundo lugar, las formas en las que dicha territorialidad se expresa en lo local, entendiendo lo local como parte del territorio en disputa por parte de distintos proyectos, fuerzas e intereses. En tercer lugar, desarrollaremos un eje integrador que hace al objetivo del trabajo: analizar las contradicciones que atraviesan al Estado y en particular al Estado-nación y cómo las mismas se manifiestan en el territorio como territorialidades contrapuestas, impulsadas por proyectos políticos-estratégicos enfrentados. En cuarto lugar, a partir de estas consideraciones y sólo a modo de graficar algunas de las afirmaciones expresadas, plantearemos una discusión en torno a la manera en que algunos autores entienden el "progresismo" asociado a la nueva lógica del capital financiero transnacional y su configuración territorial

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Este artículo es producto de los avances de una investigación enmarcada en el proyecto "Territorio, Actividad Industrial y Mercado de Trabajo. Estudio de casos en el Gran La Plata", que tiene como principales objetivos analizar las relaciones entre territorio, políticas públicas, sector industrial y empleo del Gran La Plata en el ciclo de la posconvertibilidad. Dicha investigación atiende específicamente a las relaciones entre Estado, actores y territorio y parte de considerar a este último en toda su complejidad. En el presente trabajo pretendemos mostrar cómo las continuidades y rupturas que se dan en el sector industrial argentino a partir de la posconvertibilidad pueden observarse en el Gran La Plata y en la dinámica de las grandes industrias de la microrregión. En este territorio se expresa la puja de proyectos políticos estratégicos que identificamos a escala nacional, los cuales imponen diferentes lógicas y territorialidades, dando lugar a diversas situaciones en el sector industrial. Es decir, podemos observar una dualidad y un conjunto de contradicciones (que atraviesan al propio Estado) que producen en el territorio distintas configuraciones que se definen en cada situación de acuerdo con las correlaciones de fuerzas existentes

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Fil: Merino, Gabriel. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.

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El presente artículo constituye un intento de sistematización de avances de investigación expuestos en diferentes trabajos (Formento y Merino, 2011; Merino 2011a; 2011b; 2011c; 2011d), en los cuales fue tomando cada vez mayor relevancia la cuestión del territorio. En este sentido, nos focalizaremos en cuatro ejes que consideramos claves desde nuestra perspectiva. En primer lugar, el capital financiero transnacional, su territorialidad y la construcción de lo que llamaremos, como tendencia, un Estado Global. En segundo lugar, las formas en las que dicha territorialidad se expresa en lo local, entendiendo lo local como parte del territorio en disputa por parte de distintos proyectos, fuerzas e intereses. En tercer lugar, desarrollaremos un eje integrador que hace al objetivo del trabajo: analizar las contradicciones que atraviesan al Estado y en particular al Estado-nación y cómo las mismas se manifiestan en el territorio como territorialidades contrapuestas, impulsadas por proyectos políticos-estratégicos enfrentados. En cuarto lugar, a partir de estas consideraciones y sólo a modo de graficar algunas de las afirmaciones expresadas, plantearemos una discusión en torno a la manera en que algunos autores entienden el "progresismo" asociado a la nueva lógica del capital financiero transnacional y su configuración territorial

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Este artículo es producto de los avances de una investigación enmarcada en el proyecto "Territorio, Actividad Industrial y Mercado de Trabajo. Estudio de casos en el Gran La Plata", que tiene como principales objetivos analizar las relaciones entre territorio, políticas públicas, sector industrial y empleo del Gran La Plata en el ciclo de la posconvertibilidad. Dicha investigación atiende específicamente a las relaciones entre Estado, actores y territorio y parte de considerar a este último en toda su complejidad. En el presente trabajo pretendemos mostrar cómo las continuidades y rupturas que se dan en el sector industrial argentino a partir de la posconvertibilidad pueden observarse en el Gran La Plata y en la dinámica de las grandes industrias de la microrregión. En este territorio se expresa la puja de proyectos políticos estratégicos que identificamos a escala nacional, los cuales imponen diferentes lógicas y territorialidades, dando lugar a diversas situaciones en el sector industrial. Es decir, podemos observar una dualidad y un conjunto de contradicciones (que atraviesan al propio Estado) que producen en el territorio distintas configuraciones que se definen en cada situación de acuerdo con las correlaciones de fuerzas existentes

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El presente artículo constituye un intento de sistematización de avances de investigación expuestos en diferentes trabajos (Formento y Merino, 2011; Merino 2011a; 2011b; 2011c; 2011d), en los cuales fue tomando cada vez mayor relevancia la cuestión del territorio. En este sentido, nos focalizaremos en cuatro ejes que consideramos claves desde nuestra perspectiva. En primer lugar, el capital financiero transnacional, su territorialidad y la construcción de lo que llamaremos, como tendencia, un Estado Global. En segundo lugar, las formas en las que dicha territorialidad se expresa en lo local, entendiendo lo local como parte del territorio en disputa por parte de distintos proyectos, fuerzas e intereses. En tercer lugar, desarrollaremos un eje integrador que hace al objetivo del trabajo: analizar las contradicciones que atraviesan al Estado y en particular al Estado-nación y cómo las mismas se manifiestan en el territorio como territorialidades contrapuestas, impulsadas por proyectos políticos-estratégicos enfrentados. En cuarto lugar, a partir de estas consideraciones y sólo a modo de graficar algunas de las afirmaciones expresadas, plantearemos una discusión en torno a la manera en que algunos autores entienden el "progresismo" asociado a la nueva lógica del capital financiero transnacional y su configuración territorial

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Este artículo es producto de los avances de una investigación enmarcada en el proyecto "Territorio, Actividad Industrial y Mercado de Trabajo. Estudio de casos en el Gran La Plata", que tiene como principales objetivos analizar las relaciones entre territorio, políticas públicas, sector industrial y empleo del Gran La Plata en el ciclo de la posconvertibilidad. Dicha investigación atiende específicamente a las relaciones entre Estado, actores y territorio y parte de considerar a este último en toda su complejidad. En el presente trabajo pretendemos mostrar cómo las continuidades y rupturas que se dan en el sector industrial argentino a partir de la posconvertibilidad pueden observarse en el Gran La Plata y en la dinámica de las grandes industrias de la microrregión. En este territorio se expresa la puja de proyectos políticos estratégicos que identificamos a escala nacional, los cuales imponen diferentes lógicas y territorialidades, dando lugar a diversas situaciones en el sector industrial. Es decir, podemos observar una dualidad y un conjunto de contradicciones (que atraviesan al propio Estado) que producen en el territorio distintas configuraciones que se definen en cada situación de acuerdo con las correlaciones de fuerzas existentes

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This study explores strategic political steering after the New Public Management (NPM) reforms, with emphasis on the new role assigned to Government ministers in Finland. In the NPM model, politicians concentrate on broad, principal issues, while agencies have discretion within the limits set by politicians. In Finland, strategic steering was introduced with Management by Results (MBR), but the actual tools for strategic political steering have been the Government Programme, the Government Strategy Portfolio (GSP) and Frame Budgeting. This study addresses these tools as means of strategic steering conducted by the Cabinet and individual ministers within their respective ministries. The time frame of the study includes the two Lipponen Cabinets between 1995 and 2003. Interviews with fourteen ministers as well as with fourteen top officials were conducted. In addition, administrative reform documents and documents related to strategic steering tools were analysed. The empirical conclusions of the study can be summarised as follows: There were few signs of strategic political steering in the Lipponen Cabinets. Although the Government Programmes of both Cabinets introduced strategic thinking, the strategic guidelines set forth at the beginning of the Programme were not linked to the GSP or to Frame Budgeting. The GSP could be characterised as the collected strategic agendas of each ministry, while there was neither the will nor the courage among Cabinet members to prioritise the projects and to make selections. The Cabinet used Frame Budgeting mainly in the sense of spending limits, not in making strategic allocation decisions. As for the GSP at the departmental level, projects were suggested by top officials, and ministers only approved the suggested list. Frame Budgeting at the departmental level proved to be the most interesting strategic steering tool from ministers viewpoint: they actively participated in defining which issues would need extra financing. Because the chances for extra financing were minimal, ministers had an effect only on a marginal share of the budget. At the departmental level, the study shows that strategic plans were considered the domain of officials. As for strategies concerning specific substances, there was variation in the interest shown by the ministers. A few ministers emphasised the importance of strategic work and led strategy processes. In most cases, however, officials led the process while ministers offered comments on the drafts of strategy documents. The results of this study together with experiences reported in other countries and local politics show that political decision-makers have difficulty operating at the strategic level. The conclusion is that politicians do not have sufficient incentive to perform the strategic role implied by the NPM type of reforms. Overall, the empirical results of the study indicate the power of politics over management reforms.