Social Media in the Media: How Australian Media Perceive Social Media as Political Tools

Social media are becoming increasingly integrated into political practices around the world. Politicians, citizens and journalists employ new media tools to support and supplement their political goals. This report examines the way in which social media are portrayed as political tools in Australian mainstream media in order to establish what the relations are between social media and mainstream media in political news reporting. Through the close content-analysis of 93 articles sampled from the years 2008, 2010 and 2012, we provide a longitudinal insight into how the perception by Australian journalists and news media organisations of social media as political tools has changed over time. As the mainstream media remain crucial in framing the public understanding of new technologies and practices, this enhances our understanding of the positioning of social media tools for political communication.

The invention of democratic parliamentary practices in the Helvetic Republic

In this book, leading historians of the French, Batavian, Helvetic, Cisalpine, and Neapolitan revolutions bridge the gap between the historiographies of the so-called Sister Republics and explore political culture as a set of discourses or political practices. Parliamentary practices, the comparability of "universal" political concepts, late-eighteenth-century Republicanism, the relationship between press and politics, and the interaction between the Sister Republics and France are all examined from a comparative, transnational perspective.

Are we keeping the bastards honest? Perceptions of corruption, integrity and influence on politics

The words of the late Don Chipp, the founder of the Australian Democrats, have a perennial relevance to politics. When Chipp talked about ‘keeping the bastards honest’, it related to a minor political party playing a role of keeping the major political parties true to their word (Warhurst 1997). Yet it is also a democratic role that citizens play on an ongoing basis, particularly through the mechanism of elections. At the ballot box, governments that are widely perceived to have acted with a lack of integrity are roundly punished. This chapter explores public opinion on issues of integrity, corruption, influence and trust in politics and politicians in Australia. The evidence paints a differentiated picture of a public which sees little sign of overtly corrupt political practices but on the other hand does not feel terribly influential and is not always confident of fair treatment from public officials...

Ecos da fé na alma e na obra de Eça de Queiróz:uma visão crítica da Igreja e da Religião Católicas no século XIX

Esta dissertação, inserida na linha de pesquisa de Política e Cultura, trata da visão crítica de Eça de Queiroz sobre a Igreja Católica, sobre o catolicismo popular e a relação Igreja-Estado em Portugal do século XIX. O trabalho aprofunda as idéias do autor estabelecidas no momento histórico do chamado movimento da Regeneração, na segunda metade do século, marcado por propostas de denúncias da decadência da sociedade e de mudanças e reformas modernizantes nas estruturas econômicas, sociais, políticas educacionais e culturais do país. Analisa questões relevantes ligadas à política da época como o liberalismo monárquico, a política do estado constitucional português, a política ultramontana do Vaticano e seus desdobramentos em Portugal, além do catolicismo institucionalizado nas práticas políticas e culturais. A partir de fontes primárias como os trabalhos jornalísticos do autor, publicados no Brasil e em Portugal, assim como cartas para seus amigos intelectuais da chamada Geração 70, aborda questões como o anticlericalismo, antijesuitismo, Padroado, regalismo e o projeto cultural português de secularização. Observando o extremo espírito perspicaz e sarcástico do autor, o trabalho conclui por entender o escritor como forte defensor de reformas nas práticas, discursos e preocupações da Igreja Católica de seu tempo, assim como voz exigente e consonante a outros intelectuais da época em prol de novo comprometimento e atuação dessa mesma Igreja. Por fim, estabelece o autor como um expoente entre a intelectualidade por ser protagonista de um movimento de renovação política e cultural, como catalisador da opinião pública de seu tempo, e acima de tudo, autor de uma obra de relevância literária e jornalística, capaz de impor-se como efetiva proposta inovadora para a modernidade portuguesa da época.

Os verdadeiros constitucionais, amigos do rei e da nação: áulicos, ideias e soberania na corte fluminense (1824-1826)

Os objetos centrais do presente trabalho foram os áulicos do Primeiro Reinado (1824-1826), em específico, os quatorze Conselheiros de estado e Ministro vigentes no período determinado; seu projeto político e parte da imprensa destinada a veicular suas ideias. Os áulicos constituíram-se nos representantes que gravitavam em torno do imperador Pedro I, procurando dar sustentação e visibilidade a seu governo diante da opinião pública. O trabalho perpassou pela formação do grupo durante as discussões da Assembleia Constituinte de 1823, até o início da reabertura das atividades parlamentares em 1826, que ficou marcado pelo início do enfraquecimento dos áulicos. As principais metas dos áulicos, tanto na Assembleia de 1823, quanto na imprensa, foram a defesa contra os ataques perpetrados pelos partidos rivais ao imperador e a reafirmação de seus postulados políticos, que tinham como ideias basilares a manutenção da ordem pública, a presença uma Monarquia Constitucional com forte poder centralizador e a defesa da soberania legítima de d. Pedro I. Na convivência entre as ideias modernas Constitucionalistas e os fortes preceitos de Antigo Regime, forjou-se a facção áulica. Sob essas perspectivas entre o novo e o antigo, as continuidades e descontinuidades das práticas políticas, buscou-se o fio condutor para entender os princípios que norteavam o projeto político dos áulicos.

Educação e escolarização quilombola: construções políticopedagógicas em Brejo dos Crioulos MG

Atualmente tem se apresentado, pelo movimento quilombola, a demanda de formulação de políticas educacionais para o povo quilombola, acompanhando as reivindicações para legitimação do direito ao território ocupado secularmente, assim como outros direitos demandados por este povo tradicional. O processo de educação e escolarização na educação básica de um território quilombola como o de Brejo dos Crioulos em Minas Gerais, sob a perspectiva da educação diferenciada, ou seja, orientada culturalmente, pode estar fortemente relacionado com a dimensão política da atuação dos quilombolas na luta pelo reconhecimento e legitimidade do território, do modo de vida, da sua identidade, da sua cultura e história. Contemplou-se nesta investigação o mapeamento e a análise dos processos educativos de Brejo dos Crioulos apontando suas propostas curriculares, seus avanços, assim como os limites relacionados à formulação e implementação de políticas direcionadas para o desenvolvimento educacional local. A investigação no território quilombola específico, nos moldes da pesquisa qualitativa enquanto lógica de investigação, abordou as ações do movimento quilombola estadual e local, a identidade coletiva e a territorialidade em relação ao ciclo de políticas disponível, como, por exemplo, a Lei n 10.639/03, atualizada por meio da Lei n 11.645/08 e diretrizes curriculares que alteram a Lei n 9.394/96, com o objetivo de incluir, no currículo oficial da rede de ensino, a obrigatoriedade do ensino da História e cultura afro-brasileira e indígena, e as Diretrizes Curriculares para Educação Quilombola, aprovadas em 05 de junho de 2012, Parecer MEC/CNE/CEB 16/2012, homologadas na Resolução MEC/CNE/CEB n 8, publicada em 20 de novembro de 2012. Além das práticas políticas quilombolas, foram analisadas as práticas de gestão educacional do poder público municipal de São João da Ponte e Varzelândia, municípios do norte mineiro que integram o território pesquisado. Com a inserção em campo, nos moldes explicitados, foi privilegiado o uso da observação direta para mapear e descrever em profundidade o cotidiano no território pesquisado. Com a inserção em campo, nos moldes explicitados, foi privilegiado o uso da observação direta para mapear e descrever em profundidade o cotidiano no território pesquisado, as representações políticas e educacionais, as mudanças e transformações atuais. A entrevista em forma de conversa é, também, uma das técnicas utilizadas para documentar as experiências e representações dos sujeitos quilombolas, professores, gestores e coordenadores envolvidos com a educação e escolarização no território de Brejo dos Crioulos, além de registros em áudio, vídeo e caderno de campo. O tratamento e a análise dos dados coletados obedecem a critérios metodológicos qualitativos de triangulação para apresentação dos resultados da pesquisa.

Shifting Loyalties: World War I and the Conflicted Politics of Patriotism in the British Caribbean

This dissertation examines how the crisis of World War I impacted imperial policy and popular claims-making in the British Caribbean. Between 1915 and 1918, tens of thousands of men from the British Caribbean volunteered to fight in World War I and nearly 16,000 men, hailing from every British colony in the region, served in the newly formed British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). Rousing appeals to imperial patriotism and manly duty during the wartime recruitment campaigns and postwar commemoration movement linked the British Empire, civilization, and Christianity while simultaneously promoting new roles for women vis-à-vis the colonial state. In Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the two colonies that contributed over seventy-five percent of the British Caribbean troops, discussions about the meaning of the war for black, coloured, white, East Indian, and Chinese residents sparked heated debates about the relationship among race, gender, and imperial loyalty.

To explore these debates, this dissertation foregrounds the social, cultural, and political practices of BWIR soldiers, tracing their engagements with colonial authorities, military officials, and West Indian civilians throughout the war years. It begins by reassessing the origins of the BWIR, and then analyzes the regional campaign to recruit West Indian men for military service. Travelling with newly enlisted volunteers across the Atlantic, this study then chronicles soldiers' multi-sited campaign for equal status, pay, and standing in the British imperial armed forces. It closes by offering new perspectives on the dramatic postwar protests by BWIR soldiers in Italy in 1918 and British Honduras and Trinidad in 1919, and reflects on the trajectory of veterans' activism in the postwar era.

This study argues that the racism and discrimination soldiers experienced overseas fueled heightened claims-making in the postwar era. In the aftermath of the war, veterans mobilized collectively to garner financial support and social recognition from colonial officials. Rather than withdrawing their allegiance from the empire, ex-servicemen and civilians invoked notions of mutual obligation to argue that British officials owed a debt to West Indians for their wartime sacrifices. This study reveals the continued salience of imperial patriotism, even as veterans and their civilian allies invoked nested local, regional, and diasporic loyalties as well. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on the origins of patriotism in the colonial Caribbean, while providing a historical case study for contemporary debates about "hegemonic dissolution" and popular mobilization in the region.

This dissertation draws upon a wide range of written and visual sources, including archival materials, war recruitment posters, newspapers, oral histories, photographs, and memoirs. In addition to Colonial Office records and military files, it incorporates previously untapped letters and petitions from the Jamaica Archives, National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados Department of Archives, and US National Archives.

La revue de la Chambre de commerce de Montréal et la modernisation de la métropole dans les années 1950 et 1960

Pendant les années 1950 et 1960, Montréal se modernise sur plusieurs aspects. L’influence de l’administration de la ville sur cette modernisation est bien connue. Toutefois, les perspectives des acteurs extérieurs sont souvent ignorées. Ce mémoire examine donc les opinions de la Chambre de commerce de Montréal sur la modernisation de la métropole québécoise lors de ces deux décennies. La source principale utilisée pour effectuer cette étude a été la revue hebdomadaire de la Chambre, Commerce-Montréal. Dans le premier chapitre, les opinions de la Chambre de commerce sur la gouvernance municipale sont examinées. Celles-ci montrent que la Chambre percevait l’assainissement des moeurs politiques et l’amélioration de l’efficacité administrative comme intrinsèques à la modernisation de Montréal. Le deuxième chapitre porte sur la circulation automobile et le transport en commun. La Chambre proposait des moyens d’accélérer le débit de la circulation qu’elle jugeait crucial pour la modernisation de la métropole. Le troisième chapitre traite du développement urbain. D’après la Chambre, la modernisation de Montréal exigeait le renouvellement du cadre bâti de la ville, tant résidentiel que commercial. L’étude de ces trois thèmes confirme que, pendant la période 1950-1970, la Chambre de commerce a contribué de manière significative aux débats concernant la modernisation de Montréal. Nous relevons aussi que l’organisme, malgré son désir de paraître apolitique, a été influencé par sa fonction de représentant de la communauté d’affaires francophone. L’importance accordée à la rentabilité de la modernisation, ainsi que la hiérarchisation sociale attribuée à certains sujets, confirment notamment les orientations conservatrices de l’organisme.

Le leadership interstitiel, le champ d'action des Amérindiens ou le pouvoir dans la marge : l'exemple de la communauté algonquine de Kitigan Zibi (Québec)

Quel est le champ d’action des Amérindiens dans le contexte politique canadien? Malgré les tentatives de l’État canadien de briser la structure politique traditionnelle des Autochtones en introduisant le système électif et politique du conseil de bande, ceux-ci sont loin d'avoir été des victimes passives. L'étude du leadership interstitiel est la ligne directrice de cette thèse car il est la clé d’une pratique politique « in the cracks » qui confère un pouvoir marginal aux Amérindiens. En s'intéressant aux conditions historiques et sociales de déploiement de l’arène politique en milieu de réserve, il est possible de comprendre la quotidienneté et la contemporanéité de l’exercice du pouvoir au sein d’une population minoritaire fortement politisée. La recherche ethnographique porte sur la politique locale de la communauté algonquine de Kitigan Zibi (Québec). L’analyse des acteurs anishnabeg a montré une variabilité du leadership politique chez les Algonquins et l’existence de différents types de leader malgré l’imposition d’une fonction de chef par la Loi sur les Indiens. Le contrôle des affaires politiques officielles d’une bande par les agents coloniaux, c'est-à-dire les missionnaires et les agents indiens, n’a pas donné lieu à un contrôle total de sa dynamique politique interne et de ses membres. L'enquête de terrain a dévoilé que les diverses manifestations et actions politiques menées par les Anishnabeg s’avèrent être des stratégies du pouvoir dans la marge, une forme quotidienne de résistance face aux nouvelles façons de faire la politique établies par les autorités canadiennes, des ruses et des tactiques employées pour tenter de changer le système formel en remettant en question le pouvoir des Affaires indiennes. La contestation et la résistance ne sont toutefois pas l’unique moteur du leadership et de la politique amérindienne. En fait, le leadership politique chez les Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg est aussi basé sur diverses représentations (traditionnelles, spirituelles, symboliques) qui ont permis aux Algonquins de préserver une identité politique malgré certaines ruptures et transformations introduites dans leur société par les colonisateurs. Les ambiguïtés, les contradictions et les paradoxes de la quotidienneté politique d’une bande autochtone ne sont pas que le résultat de la rencontre d’un univers politique Autre, mais aussi l’aboutissement de l’évolution et de la reconstruction d’un système sociopolitique traditionnel et de ses dynamiques internes reliées au pouvoir, d’une redéfinition de l’autorité et de la légitimité du politique, de l'essor de leaders nouveau genre pour répondre adéquatement aux exigences politiques de la vie en réserve. La politique de réserve n’est pas une chose concrète mais plutôt une dynamique dans un temps et dans un lieu donné, au chevauchement culturel de diverses traditions politiques et formes d’autorité, au truchement de divers espaces (imposé ou symbolique) et institutions (formelle et informelle). Les Algonquins se renouvellent continuellement politiquement au sein de leur système. Ceci n’est pas un effet de l’acculturation, d’une hybridité ou de la modernité mais relève bien de la tradition. Le rattachement de fonctions et dynamiques traditionnelles à la structure formelle constitue un début de gouvernance « par le bas ». Cette dernière renouvelle de l’intérieur, par l’établissement d’un dialogue, la relation entre les leaders autochtones et les représentants de l’État, ce qui donne aux acteurs locaux une marge de manœuvre. Les Algonquins ont saisi les incompatibilités des deux systèmes – blanc et autochtone – pour définir un nouveau territoire, « in the cracks », qui devient leur domaine d’action. L'analyse de la flexibilité du leadership algonquin, de la vision eurocanadienne du leadership amérindien, de l’usage instrumental des exigences de l’État, des élections et des éligibles contemporains, de l'empowerment des femmes algonquines et du leadership féminin en milieu de réserve, a révélé que le leadership interstitiel est une force politique pour les Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg. En portant un regard critique sur la politique locale dans le quotidien d'une bande et en incluant les voix autochtones, il est possible d’observer le processus de décolonisation et des formes embryonnaires de pratiques postcoloniales au sein des réserves. Cette recherche a démontré que le chef et les autres leaders sont au cœur de cette dynamique politique dans les marges, de l’essor et de l’émancipation politique de leur bande.

Patrimonialismo, conflicto y poder en la reconstrucción de Riobamba, 1797-1822 (Estudios)

Estudio que analiza los conflictos entre las élites de la ciudad de Riobamba y los centros administrativos coloniales de Quito y Santa Fe de Bogotá, a propósito de la reconstrucción de la ciudad luego del terremoto de 1797. La catástrofe puso en evidencia las prácticas políticas y los intereses económicos de la élite criolla riobambeña y del Cabildo de la ciudad. Adicionalmente, se examina la relación de los grupos de poder con la plebe y los indígenas. Estudia además, las divergencias entre los poderes locales y la administración central con respecto al sitio en que se edificaría la nueva ciudad.

O peão e o acidente de trabalho na construção civil do Rio de Janeiro: elementos para uma avaliação do papel da educação nas classes trabalhadoras

This dissertation seeks to identify specifications bu which the Subsection cf Buildings c f the Civil Construction os Rio de Janeiro could be improved. It attempt to determine the factors that make construction workers both victims of accidents, as well as the cause of these accidents. It a150 seeks t o identify the means af the capitalist way that as the producer specific kind af society, creates this type af invisible of a worker. Further more, to verify the violent ar disguised ways, that lead the worker to have a guilty consclence relative to himself and to the other workers , and maklng him feel responsible even for accident - related deaths on the job. A revolting factor is that malnutrition and endemic hunger, are in large part responsible for accidents at work in the capitalist production system, ln which production relations are still primitive. Therefore, the accidents at work are a product of society, especially caused by conditions in the construction sector . This fac 19 often masked, and responsibility is put on the worker ln 77,5~ of work related accident . Under these specific working conditions the cumulative overtime hours of work and tasks make the rythm and working hours extreme and overburdensome. The large and modern firms subcantract to smoller construc~i ns firms who have more dangeraus working condictions which result in more frequent and mayor accidents. These are not computed in the statistics of the large firms and the workers of the subcontractors do not appear on the builging construction lists, and are therefore a non - existent entities. Even opressed, the workers still continue to work under these conditions mak1ng there resistence a form af struggle. The Education that intends to be transformed in to an instrument of the workers struggle, should stimulated the participation in the daily educational and political practices and try to reconstructed what the dominant knowledge has fragmented: the ptoduction of existence as an integrated whole.

Participação popular ou participação tutelada?: análise do desenvolvimento da Agenda 21 local em Barueri

Esta dissertação discute a questão da participação popular em políticas públicas tendo como base a análise do caso da Agenda 21 local em Barueri. Parte- se da revisão teórica sobre a participação, desde a emergência do tema entre os movimentos sociais na Europa, até a chegada da discussão ao Brasil. A partir desta revisão são tratados aspectos teóricos do clientelismo político, visando contrapor a prática política existente e legitimada com os dilemas da implantação de ações participativas. A investigação foi realizada sob a perspectiva de campo-tema, sendo construída a partir da leitura de narrativas. O que se observa é uma dificuldade em promover mudanças no formato de condução das políticas em Barueri oriunda da incapacidade do governo em mobilizar a população e demonstrar a importância e confiabilidade de práticas participativas. Este trabalho busca demonstrar quais foram as falhas e dilemas deste processo e propõe formas de se avaliar e discutir a implantação da participação popular como nova prática política.

Democracia Possível: espaços institucionais, participação social e cultura política

The present study aims at making a theoretically reflection about the reconstruction process of democracy that can be observed in the country since the opening political process, which took place with the Geisel´s government in 1974, passing through the first civil president, in 1985, the Constitution process, in 1986, and finally the Constitution promulgation in 1988. It interests to this study analyses the premise that the 1988 Constitution inaugurates the moment in which democracy starts to be reconstructed in the country, and that this reconstruction is made in such a brand new way, once it included the possibility of participation of the civil society in the deliberation of the public politics, what became possible with the creation of new spaces of a gestion shared by the three executive powers: federal; states; municipalities, and with the civil society, in the councils created in those spheres. In this way, this work wishes to focus the opening process to the civil society participation, wich became possible with the creation of the city councils of public politics. It´s about investigating the form in wich the relations set up in these hibrid spaces could be considered democratic, inclusive and promoters of effective participation, checking up tendencies, giving emphasis to regularities and some specifities encountered in the forms of participation, which have been observed in those councils. In order to comprehend the democratic process in construction in the country, the analysis of the relations established by the civil society and the local executive power in the obligatory municipal councils is taken as object of study, passing by the tensions wich evolves institutions and political practices, permeated by the local political culture. It starts from a briefly review of works already made on the subject

Max Stirner, o único e o que lhe é próprio: uma interpretação e(m) algun(s) ensaio(s)

This work has a study object the main thinking work of Johan Kaspar Schmidt well known as Max Stirner (1806-1856) - originally titled (in German), Der Einzige und sein Eigentun, and translated into Portuguese by the Portuguese publisher Antígona in 2004, under the title The Unique and its Ownership. This book was known in 1844 although its publication dated 1845 seen that the censor of that time rejected the publication request in that year - saying that ( ) in concrete passages of that work, not only God, Christ, the church and the religion are usually object of proposal blasphemy, but also because all social order, the state and the government are defined as something that should not exist simultaneously as one justifies the lie, perjury, the murder and suicide and denies the ownership right. After this first attack and rejection by its bearing the unique come to be others target, due practically to all the philosophical political thinkers its time including thinkers like Ludwig Feuerbach and Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels in spite of, on the other hand, having inspired formulations and reformulations of many of those thinkers that were against then in their times, as well as those thinkers that came after then such as Nietzsche himself. Even though this work was be victim of powerful attempts of erasing it of history, it has shown a great repercussion power and that is the main reason that led us to ask the following questions what is its big originality? , how could his author arrive at a so impactant perspective? What is its most legitimate political place? We endeavored in elaborate answers to those questions trough the exegesis of its text, taking in account both the scholarship environment where the author produced his intellectual life set - and the detailed reading of texts linked to discussion in focus, where this reading is always based upon the meaning and senses traced by the texts and its contexts as a precaution against the limits and the traps of the readings which shed light markedly on strict letter of the phrases constructs. Ours conclusions point at to the idea that a work like this , that subverts the characteristic ways of thought of the modernity, completely, continues being a utter odds, without rank in the history of thought and the moderns political practices, finding parallel possibility only, in a very special way, with a certain autharchic perspective of Ancient Greece

Orçamento participativo em Fortaleza/CE: construção de uma nova cultura política? (Gestão: PT – 2005 a 2008 e de 2009 a 2012)

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC