As relações políticas para a implantação das primeiras emissoras de tv no Paraná na década de 1960

Em outubro e dezembro de 1960, foram inauguradas em Curitiba, respectivamente, as TVs Paranaense e Paraná. Assim, com dez anos de atraso em relação a São Paulo, foram ao ar em caráter definitivo as duas primeiras emissoras de televisão (TV) do Estado. Em setembro de 1963, entrou em funcionamento a TV Coroados de Londrina, a primeira do interior. Em 1967 e 1969, começaram a operar as TVs Iguaçu de Curitiba e Tibagi de Apucarana, ambas pertencentes ao então governador Paulo Pimentel e as primeiras concedidas pelo governo militar. Este artigo objetiva historiar, analisar e interpretar as relações políticas existentes entre empresários da comunicação e autoridades do poder federal – quase sempre intermediadas pelo Palácio Iguaçu – para a conquista das concessões destas cinco emissoras. Elas só foram concretizadas porque havia reciprocidade entre os interesses empresariais paranaenses e os projetos políticos dos mandatários nacionais.

Los fantasmas de la "convergencia cívico-militar". Las Fuerzas Armadas frente a la salida política durante la última dictadura militar (Argentina, 1976-1981)

El presente trabajo analiza los planes políticos reservados y elaborados por distintas fracciones cívico-militares durante la dictadura militar iniciada en 1976 en la Argentina. Entendemos que la identificación de la procedencia de estos planes, el análisis de su contenido, el seguimiento de su destino en el proceso de "compatibilización" y su comparación con la propuesta política final, nos permite identificar varios de los rasgos que caracterizaron en términos políticos a la última dictadura militar, como por ejemplo, la fragmentación interna e imposibilidad de arribar a la consolidación de un mínimo consenso interno alrededor de la forma, objetivos y plazo de una "salida política" controlada.

Los fantasmas de la "convergencia cívico-militar". Las Fuerzas Armadas frente a la salida política durante la última dictadura militar (Argentina, 1976-1981)

El presente trabajo analiza los planes políticos reservados y elaborados por distintas fracciones cívico-militares durante la dictadura militar iniciada en 1976 en la Argentina. Entendemos que la identificación de la procedencia de estos planes, el análisis de su contenido, el seguimiento de su destino en el proceso de "compatibilización" y su comparación con la propuesta política final, nos permite identificar varios de los rasgos que caracterizaron en términos políticos a la última dictadura militar, como por ejemplo, la fragmentación interna e imposibilidad de arribar a la consolidación de un mínimo consenso interno alrededor de la forma, objetivos y plazo de una "salida política" controlada.

Los fantasmas de la "convergencia cívico-militar". Las Fuerzas Armadas frente a la salida política durante la última dictadura militar (Argentina, 1976-1981)

El presente trabajo analiza los planes políticos reservados y elaborados por distintas fracciones cívico-militares durante la dictadura militar iniciada en 1976 en la Argentina. Entendemos que la identificación de la procedencia de estos planes, el análisis de su contenido, el seguimiento de su destino en el proceso de "compatibilización" y su comparación con la propuesta política final, nos permite identificar varios de los rasgos que caracterizaron en términos políticos a la última dictadura militar, como por ejemplo, la fragmentación interna e imposibilidad de arribar a la consolidación de un mínimo consenso interno alrededor de la forma, objetivos y plazo de una "salida política" controlada.

The United States of America; their history from the earliest period; their industry, commerce, banking transactions, and national works; their institutions and character, political, social, and literary: with a survey of the territory, and remarks on the prospects and plans of emigrants.

Added t.-p., illustrated.

Little theory, big plans : social capital and community building in Aboriginal Australia

The discourse surrounding recent Aboriginal social policy regularly refers to pragmatism and partnership. In a simpler world, we might call this ‘getting things done with Aboriginal people.’ To that extent, the discourse draws on an indisputable common sense, and it is not surprising that a variety of political agendas can be packaged within such language. While many things need to be done, the quantity and particularly the quality of social networks required to take effective policy into effective practice is something we ought to consider more carefully. This is where the concept of social capital could be useful, since it focuses attention on the social resources required to construct social policy, as well as the social resources that could be produced by effective social policy. Partnerships and pragmatism are therefore related at a most fundamental level in terms of social policy. We question whether this important conceptual bedrock has been fully explored. Hence we review here some recent ‘big plans’ for Aboriginal Australia, and ask whether the size of the theory matches the size of the plans.

Ministers as strategic political leaders? : Strategic political steering after NPM reforms in Finland

This study explores strategic political steering after the New Public Management (NPM) reforms, with emphasis on the new role assigned to Government ministers in Finland. In the NPM model, politicians concentrate on broad, principal issues, while agencies have discretion within the limits set by politicians. In Finland, strategic steering was introduced with Management by Results (MBR), but the actual tools for strategic political steering have been the Government Programme, the Government Strategy Portfolio (GSP) and Frame Budgeting. This study addresses these tools as means of strategic steering conducted by the Cabinet and individual ministers within their respective ministries. The time frame of the study includes the two Lipponen Cabinets between 1995 and 2003. Interviews with fourteen ministers as well as with fourteen top officials were conducted. In addition, administrative reform documents and documents related to strategic steering tools were analysed. The empirical conclusions of the study can be summarised as follows: There were few signs of strategic political steering in the Lipponen Cabinets. Although the Government Programmes of both Cabinets introduced strategic thinking, the strategic guidelines set forth at the beginning of the Programme were not linked to the GSP or to Frame Budgeting. The GSP could be characterised as the collected strategic agendas of each ministry, while there was neither the will nor the courage among Cabinet members to prioritise the projects and to make selections. The Cabinet used Frame Budgeting mainly in the sense of spending limits, not in making strategic allocation decisions. As for the GSP at the departmental level, projects were suggested by top officials, and ministers only approved the suggested list. Frame Budgeting at the departmental level proved to be the most interesting strategic steering tool from ministers viewpoint: they actively participated in defining which issues would need extra financing. Because the chances for extra financing were minimal, ministers had an effect only on a marginal share of the budget. At the departmental level, the study shows that strategic plans were considered the domain of officials. As for strategies concerning specific substances, there was variation in the interest shown by the ministers. A few ministers emphasised the importance of strategic work and led strategy processes. In most cases, however, officials led the process while ministers offered comments on the drafts of strategy documents. The results of this study together with experiences reported in other countries and local politics show that political decision-makers have difficulty operating at the strategic level. The conclusion is that politicians do not have sufficient incentive to perform the strategic role implied by the NPM type of reforms. Overall, the empirical results of the study indicate the power of politics over management reforms.

What gets plans off the shelf? : a multi-site case study of the factors influencing municipal recreation plan implementation

Municipalities that engage in recreation planning have the potential to use their resources more effectively. However, successful planning means getting the plan off the shelf and implemented. This study investigated the factors that influenced municipal recreation plan implementation in three municipalities. Interviews were conducted with eleven key informants (recreation directors, planning consultants, a city councillor, and members of plan steering committees). The findings of this study suggested that because the implementation of recreation plans occurs in a highly political environment, recreation professionals will need effective strategies to get their plans implemented and that implementation can be facilitated by developing or expanding strategies that: (l) build the power of the recreation department within the municipal government structure; (2) build support for recreation within the local community; and (3) build the political and organizational capacity in the recreation department.

Tasmania together and growing Victoria together : can state plans deliver environmental sustainability?

Sustainability has always been a contested term, environmental sustainability in particular. It presents challenges and opportunities for policy making at all levels. This paper suggests that state plans have a key role to play in the pursuit of sustainability. It argues that, in theory, sustainability requires well integrated, interactive, informed and informing, as well as institutionalised policy processes. It reviews state plans in Tasmania and Victoria to analyse their capacity for delivering sustainability. Tasmania Together and Crowing Victoria Together are very different plans, so very different conclusions are drawn here, however we find that both of them lack the explicit political and policy commitment to sustainability that is required to turn rhetoric into state planning practice.

Paricipation in Bauru marter plans, Brazil: analysis of the historical evolution of the consultation process

In Brazil, a policy on citizen participation and consultation in urban intervention programs, in particular in the development of master plans, was first introduced into the Federal Constitution in 1988. This article presents an historical reconstitution of Master Plans in Bauru – State of São Paulo – Brazil. The 1968, 1988 and 2005/2006 consultation methods are analyzed using established criteria. The degree of community participation in the processes is estimated by drawing on a typology based on the level of involvement by residents. The effects of participation caused by changes in political regime, technical planning vision, legal support to consultation, recognition of community importance and knowledge acquired during the process are highlighted and discussed.

Shale gas in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic and Romania. Political context - legal status - outlook. OSW Report, September 2012

Despite their initial interest in shale gas exploration, over the past year Bulgaria, the Czech Republic and Romania have become increasingly sceptical about the development of unconventional gas resources. In January of this year Bulgaria introduced an indefinite ban on the exploration and production of shale gas and Romania followed suit in May by introducing a six-month moratorium on exploration work, which it plans to extend by another two years following the country’s parliamentary elections scheduled for December. Similar measures are being planned by the government in Prague. The aim of this report is to explore the reasons why countries which claim to want to improve their energy security have been showing increasing scepticism towards shale gas.

The works of Nicholas Machiavel ... : translated from the originals; : illustrated with notes, annotations, dissertations, and several new plans on the Art of war, /

Index at end of v. 4.

The political shaping of energy technology:combined heat and power in Britain

There has been negligible adoption of combined heat and power (CHP) for district heating (DH) in Britain, despite continued advocacy. This thesis constructs an account of the treatment of the option, and devises a framework for explanation. Analysis of technological development and adoption, it is argued, should be similar to that of other social processes, and be subject to the same requirements and criticisms. They will, however, show features peculiar to the institutions developing and selecting technologies, their relation to different social groups, and the forms of knowledge in and about technology. Conventional approaches - organisation and interorganisation theories, and analyses of policy-making - give useful insights but have common limitations. Elements of an analytical framework situating detailed issues and outcomes in a structured historical context are derived from convergent radical critiques. Thus activity on CHP/DH is essentially shaped by the development and relations of energy sector institutions: central and local government, nationalised industries and particularly the electricity industry. Analysis of them is related to the specific character of the British state. A few CHP and DH installations were tried before 1940. During postwar reconstruction, extensive plans for several cities were abandoned or curtailed. In the 1960s and 70s, many small non-CHP DH schemes were installed on housing estates. From the mid-70s, the national potential of CHP/DH has been reappraised, with widespread support and favourable evaluations, but little practical progress. Significant CHP/DH adoption is shown to have been systematically excluded ultimately by the structure of energy provision; centralised production interests dominate and co-ordination is weak. Marginal economics and political commitment have allowed limited development in exceptional circumstances. Periods of upheaval provided greater opportunity and incentive for CHP/DH but restructuring eventually obstructed it. Explanation of these outcomes is shown to require analysis at several levels, from broad context to detailed action.

Hazard mitigation element quality in coastal comprehensive plans in a state with strong requirements for hazard mitigation plan elements

This dissertation examines the quality of hazard mitigation elements in a coastal, hazard prone state. I answer two questions. First, in a state with a strong mandate for hazard mitigation elements in comprehensive plans, does plan quality differ among county governments? Second, if such variation exists, what drives this variation? My research focuses primarily on Florida's 35 coastal counties, which are all at risk for hurricane and flood hazards, and all fall under Florida's mandate to have a comprehensive plan that includes a hazard mitigation element. Research methods included document review to rate the hazard mitigation elements of all 35 coastal county plans and subsequent analysis against demographic and hazard history factors. Following this, I conducted an electronic, nationwide survey of planning professionals and academics, informed by interviews of planning leaders in Florida counties. I found that hazard mitigation element quality varied widely among the 35 Florida coastal counties, but were close to a normal distribution. No plans were of exceptionally high quality. Overall, historical hazard effects did not correlate with hazard mitigation element quality, but some demographic variables that are associated with urban populations did. The variance in hazard mitigation element quality indicates that while state law may mandate, and even prescribe, hazard mitigation in local comprehensive plans, not all plans will result in equal, or even adequate, protection for people. Furthermore, the mixed correlations with demographic variables representing social and disaster vulnerability shows that, at least at the county level, vulnerability to hazards does not have a strong effect on hazard mitigation element quality. From a theory perspective, my research is significant because it compares assumptions about vulnerability based on hazard history and demographics to plan quality. The only vulnerability-related variables that appeared to correlate, and at that mildly so, with hazard mitigation element quality, were those typically representing more urban areas. In terms of the theory of Neo-Institutionalism and theories related to learning organizations, my research shows that planning departments appear to have set norms and rules of operating that preclude both significant public involvement and learning from prior hazard events.