Voter behaviour and constitutional change in Australia since 1967

Australian Constitutional referendums have been part of the Australian political system since federation. Up to the year 1999 (the time of the last referendum in Australia), constitutional change in Australia does not have a good history of acceptance. Since 1901, there have been 44 proposed constitutional changes with eight gaining the required acceptance according to section 128 of the Australian Constitution. In the modern era since 1967, there have been 20 proposals over seven referendum votes for a total of four changes. Over this same period, there have been 13 federal general elections which have realised change in government just five times. This research examines the electoral behaviour of Australian voters from 1967 to 1999 for each referendum. Party identification has long been a key indicator in general election voting. This research considers whether the dominant theory of voter behaviour in general elections (the Michigan Model) provides a plausible explanation for voting in Australian referendums. In order to explain electoral behaviour in each referendum, this research has utilised available data from the Australian Electoral Commission, the 1996 Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data, and the 1999 Australian Constitutional Referendum Study. This data has provided the necessary variables required to measure the impact of the Michigan Model of voter behaviour. Measurements have been conducted using bivariate and multivariate analyses. Each referendum provides an overview of the events at the time of the referendum as well as the =yes‘ and =no‘ cases at the time each referendum was initiated. Results from this research provide support for the Michigan Model of voter behaviour in Australian referendum voting. This research concludes that party identification, as a key variable of the Michigan Model, shows that voters continue to take their cues for voting from the political party they identify with in Australian referendums. However, the outcome of Australian referendums clearly shows that partisanship is only one of a number of contributory factors in constitutional referendums.

Political Influence, Economic Interests and Endogenous Tax Structure in a Computable Equilibrium Framework: with Applicatioon to the United States, 1973 and 1983

A full understanding of public affairs requires the ability to distinguish between the policies that voters would like the government to adopt, and the influence that different voters or group of voters actually exert in the democratic process. We consider the properties of a computable equilibrium model of a competitive political economy in which the economic interests of groups of voters and their effective influence on equilibrium policy outcomes can be explicitly distinguished and computed. The model incorporates an amended version of the GEMTAP tax model, and is calibrated to data for the United States for 1973 and 1983. Emphasis is placed on how the aggregation of GEMTAP households into groups within which economic and political behaviour is assumed homogeneous affects the numerical representation of interests and influence for representative members of each group. Experiments with the model suggest that the changes in both interests and influence are important parts of the story behind the evolution of U.S. tax policy in the decade after 1973.

Experimentation and political science : six applications

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The impact of political behaviours on internationalisation : the case of Australian companies internationalising to China

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to test a model of cooperation between internationalising businesses and local and host country governments in the context of Australian companies internationalising to China.

Design/methodology/approach – The paper presents a model for the political dimensions of internationalising based on corporate political theory and the cooperative view of management. Data were collected from personal interviews with representatives from 40 Australian organisations with businesses or operations in China. The data were analysed using NVivo.

Findings – Assistance provided by the Australian government was often sought and was perceived to be beneficial. Most participants experienced policies and regulations which affected their entry modes. In ten cases they acted as barriers and significantly influenced entry mode choice. The majority of participants viewed the development of relationships with the Chinese government as important and employed a variety of relationship behaviours. Over half of the participants identified the need to understand and deal with the psychically distant government structures of the Chinese government, namely government intervention in business.

Practical implications – The model links the organisational objectives of businesses internationalising to China, understanding the political/regulatory environment, selecting an entry mode and developing/maintaining a successful business. To achieve these objectives corporate political behaviour must reflect the sovereign powers in place at the time.

Originality/value – The paper presents a model which develops the literature for the political dimensions of internationalisation. It also presents empirical data on the political dimensions of internationalising into China. These findings will assist businesses in understanding political factors when internationalising to China.

Politics as text and talk:analytic approaches to political discourse

Human beings are political animals. They are also articulate mammals. How are these two aspects linked? This is a question that is only beginning to be explored. The present collection makes a contribution to the investigations into the use of language in those situations which, informally and intuitively, we call ‘political’. Such an approach is revealing not only for politics itself but also for the human language capacity. Each chapter outlines a particular method or analytic approach and illustrates its application to a contemporary political issue, institution or mode of political behaviour. As a whole, the collection aims to give a sample of current research in the field. It will interest those who are beginning to carry the research paradigm forward, as well as provide an introduction for newcomers, whether they come from neighbouring or remote disciplines or from none.

Do Institutional Participatory Projects Contribute to the Development of Political Capabilities?

Participation usually sets off from the bottom up, taking the form of more or less enduring forms of collective action with varying degrees of infl uence. However, a number of projects have been launched by political institutions in the last decades with a view to engaging citizens in public affairs and developing their democratic habits, as well as those of the administration. This paper analyses the political qualifying capacity of the said projects, i.e. whether participating in them qualifi es individuals to behave as active citizens; whether these projects foster greater orientation towards public matters, intensify (or create) political will, and provide the necessary skills and expertise to master this will. To answer these questions, data from the comparative analysis of fi ve participatory projects in France and Spain are used, shedding light on which features of these participatory projects contribute to the formation of political subjects and in which way. Finally, in order to better understand this formative dimension, the formative capacity of institutional projects is compared with the formative dimension of other forms of participation spontaneously developed by citizens.

Legal myth-making: Medea and the legal representation of the feminine ‘other'

The Law operates by, and through, the creation of ideal benchmarks of conduct that are deemed to be representative of the behavioural norm. It is in this sense that it could be contended that the Law utilises, and relies on, myths in the same way as do other disciplines, notably psycho-analysis. It is possible to go even further and argue that the use of a created narrative mythology is essential to the establishment of a defined legal benchmark of behaviour by which the female defendant is assessed, judged and punished. While mythology expresses and symbolizes cultural and political behaviour, it is the Law that embodies and prescribes punitive sanctions. This element represents a powerful literary strand in classical mythology. This may be seen, for instance, in Antigone’s appeal to the Law as justification for her conduct, as much as in Medea’s challenge to the Law though her desire for vengeance. Despite its image of neutral, objective rationality, the Law, in creating and sustaining the ideals of legally-sanctioned conduct, engages in the same literary processes of imagination, reason and emotion that are central to the creation and re-creation of myth. The (re-)presentation of the Medea myth in literature (especially in theatre) and in art, finds its echo in the theatre of the courtroom where wronged women who have refused to passively accept their place, have instead responded with violence. Consequently, the Medea myth, in its depiction of the (un)feminine, serves as a template for the Law’s judgment of ‘conventional’ feminine conduct in the roles of wife and mother. Medea is an image of deviant femininity, as is Lady Macbeth and the countless other un-feminine literary and mythological women who challenge the power of the dominant culture and its ally, the Law. These women stand opposed to the other dominant theme of both literature and Law: the conformist woman, the passive dupe, who are victims of male oppression – women such as Ariadne of Naxos and Tess of the D’Ubervilles – and who are subsequently consumed by the Law, much as Semele is consumed by the fire of Jupiter’s gaze upon her. All of these women, the former as well as the latter, have their real-life counterparts in the pages of the Law Reports. As Fox puts it, “these women have come to bear the weight of the cultural stereotypes and preconceptions about women who kill.”

Party agency and the religious-secular cleavage in post-Communist countries: The case of Romania

Research focusing on several post-communist countries has found evidence of social cleavage effects on political behaviour similar to those found in Western Europe. In some post-communist countries, however, social cleavage effects appear far weaker (if at all). To understand why this is the case, I perform a case study of Romania, focusing on the religious–secular cleavage. Drawing upon research that emphasises the role of parties in forming cleavages, I argue that the reason for the absence of social cleavage effects is due to party competition for the same group of voters by parties from opposing ends of the ideological spectrum. By shifting their positions, some parties have prevented the appearance of cleavages by shaping individuals' perceptions of the parties and, in doing so, have even altered individuals' own left–right self-placements.

Places and preferences: a longitudinal analysis of self-selection and contextual effects

Contextual theories of political behaviour assert that the contexts in which people live influence their political beliefs and vote choices. Most studies of political assimilation, however, rely on cross-sectional data and fail to distinguish contextual influence from self-selection of individuals into areas. This paper advances understanding of this longstanding controversy by tracking thousands of individuals over an 18-year period in England. We observe individual-level left-right position and party identification before and after residential moves across areas with different political orientations. We find evidence of both non-random selection into areas and assimilation of new entrants to the majority political orientation. However, these effects are contingent on the type of area an individual moves to and, moreover, contextual effects are weak and dominated by the larger effect of self-selection into areas.

The dismembered family : youth, memory, and modernity in rural southern Chile

Cette thèse traite de la supposée perte de culture politique et citoyenne que connaît le Chili de la période post-dictature. Bien qu’une telle perte soit généralement considérée comme une évidence, nous évaluons dans quelle mesure celle-ci est bien réelle en nous intéressant aux processus d’apprentissage du comportement civique de la plus jeune génération politique du pays qui a aujourd’hui atteint la vingtaine. Étant donné que les membres de cette génération étaient soit au stade de l’enfance, soit pas même nés au moment de la transition démocratique de 1990, ils ont habituellement pris connaissance des événements de répression étatique et de réconciliation démocratique par l’intermédiaire de leurs aînés. Ce phénomène est encore plus marqué dans les régions rurales du sud du pays où la majeure partie de ce que les jeunes générations savent du passé conflictuel de leur pays, incluant le colonialisme, le socialisme révolutionnaire et le fascisme, n’a pas été transmis par la communication verbale ou volontaire, mais indirectement via les habitudes et préférences culturelles qui ne manquent pas d’influencer les décisions politiques. À travers l’analyse des mécanismes de transmission inter-générationnelle de diverses perspectives d’un passé contesté, notre travail explore les processus par lesquels, à l’échelle micro, certains types de comportement politique sont diffusés au sein des familles et de petits réseaux communautaires. Ces derniers se situent souvent en tension avec les connaissances transmises dans les domaines publics, comme les écoles et certaines associations civiques. De telles tensions soulèvent d’importantes questions au sujet des inégalités de statut des membres de la communauté nationale, en particulier à une époque néolibérale où la réorganisation du fonctionnement des services sociaux et du contrôle des ressources naturelles a transformé les relations entre le monde rural pauvre et la société dominante provenant des centres urbains. Au sein de la jeune génération politique du Chili, dans quelle mesure ces perspectives situées concernant un passé pour le moins contesté, ainsi que leurs impacts sur la distribution actuelle du pouvoir dans le pays façonnent-ils des identités politiques en émergence ? Nous abordons cette question à l’aide d’une analyse ethnographique des moyens auxquels les jeunes recourent pour acquérir et exprimer des connaissances au sujet de l’histoire et de son influence latente dans la vie civique actuelle. Nos données proviennent de plus de deux années de terrain anthropologique réalisées dans trois localités du sud rural ayant été touchées par des interventions industrielles dans les rivières avoisinantes. L'une d'entre elles a été contaminée par une usine de pâte à papier tandis que les autres doivent composer avec des projets de barrage hydroélectrique qui détourneront plusieurs rivières. Ces activités industrielles composent la toile de fond pour non seulement évaluer les identités politiques, émergentes mais aussi pour identifier ce que l’apprentissage de comportement politique révèle à propos de la citoyenneté au Chili à l’heure actuelle.

La participation politique des immigrants au Québec

Comment expliquer la spécificité de la participation politique des immigrants au Québec, alors qu’elle échappe aux explications usuelles ? Si une multitude de facteurs expliquent bien la participation politique dans un cadre général comme le produit d’une rationalité individuelle, rationalité vers laquelle nos politiques sont orienté, ces facteurs peinent empiriquement à saisir pourquoi les immigrants participent et pourquoi ils évitent certains espaces politiques. Plutôt que de reprendre une approche fondée sur une rationalité cognitive ce travail suggère de compléter les approches classiques par celles de la psychologie sociale, et de choisir un spectre original axé sur les facteurs de développement d’un sentiment d’appartenance au Québec socio-affectif. Deux intérêts majeurs accompagnent cette démarche. En premier lieu, elle permet d’inclure le rôle des émotions dans la compréhension de la participation politique et ouvre la voie à des explications complémentaires jusqu'alors négligées. En second lieu, elle permet de séparer la dimension identitaire de la dimension affective, encore fusionnées dans la plupart des approches. En cela elle offre au chercheur un nouveau cadre conceptuel qui permet la prise en compte du poids des affects dans l’étude de la participation politique, dans des cas atypiques tels que l’immigration ou les sociétés en mutation rapide. Enfin, la recherche effectuée dans ce mémoire permet d’éclaircir le comportement politique des immigrants du Québec en démontrant l’échec des politiques d’intégration à développer un sentiment d’appartenance chez ses arrivants.

Organisational politics: reconciling leadership's rational-emotional paradox

Purpose – Effective leadership action requires managers to harness power that is intrinsically political. This paper aims to study and characterise the political nature of a manager's behaviour when taking leadership action. Design/methodology/approach – The methodological approach is qualitative and examines three organisations over a three-year period when these entities experienced a major product failure. The paper analyses the actual managerial behaviour of managers and provides insight into the factors that most strongly influence the effectiveness of managers when taking leadership action. Findings – Political behaviour when taking leadership action can be conceptualised in terms of rationality and emotionality. In so doing, it can be clarified how behaviour must be modified to ensure that leadership action is consistently effective. Research limitations/implications – A case study of three multinational engineering companies engaged in the design, development and manufacturing of turbomachinery provides the platform for the research. The concepts presented in the paper will require validating in other organisations of different demographic profiles. Practical implications – The concepts presented and the implications discussed provide insight into the political nature of managerial behaviour when taking leadership action. The paper highlights the practical steps individual managers can embrace to ensure that their behaviour is appropriate to context, even under the most traumatic situations. Thus, the paper provides managers with a model that facilitates effective leadership action. Originality/value – This paper provides insight into how managers behaved in circumstances that mattered to them. Through immersion in events at the time they took place, the authors captured situations in which managers were under real pressure and, in so doing, avoided the bias inherent when interviewing a manager about past events. As such, the paper concludes that the political behaviour in which managers engage when taking leadership action is rooted in the reality of the adversity that the most capable managers have both experienced and overcome. This detailed study reports behaviour in a situation where managers' business and future prospects were in jeopardy. This paper identifies why some managers were able to use the experience positively, helping them to adopt politically intrinsic behaviour to facilitate effective leadership action.

Parliamentarians and corruption in Africa: the challenge of leadership and the practice of politics

This report, compiled on behalf of the African Parliamentary Network Against Corruption (APNAC), surveys the attitudes of African parliamentarians toward corruption. It is the first study of its kind to investigate the manner in which corruption impacts directly upon the political behaviour, practices and attitudes of those elected members sitting in parliaments across the continent. If the problems of corruption are to be tackled in the African continent, then the role of elected members of legislative assemblies will surely be a crucial factor.