843 resultados para Political and educational ideas
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El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo fundamental realizar un aporte a las discusiones político-intelectuales del campo educativo en América Latina y el Caribe en el período que media entre los años 1976 y 1992. Desde una perspectiva del estudio de las ideas político-pedagógicas interesa explorar los contenidos, categorías teóricas, temas y problemáticas que caracterizaron la producción discursiva de los organismos internacionales, en tanto segmento constitutivo del campo intelectual de la educación. En términos empíricos, se estudiarán desde una perspectiva comparada y contrastativa tres producciones documentales fundamentales para América Latina y el Caribe llevadas a cabo por un conjunto de organismos internacionales: el Proyecto Desarrollo y Educación en América Latina y el Caribe (UNESCO-CEPAL-PNUD) de 1976-1981, el Proyecto Principal de Educación para América Latina y el Caribe considerado entre los años 1981-1989 (UNESCO) y por último; el Documento Educación y Conocimiento: ejes de la transformación productiva con equidad de 1992 (UNESCO-CEPAL). En suma, este trabajo pretende efectuar una contribución a la historia reciente del campo intelectual de la educación -que ciertamente cuenta con muy pocas investigaciones al respecto-, partiendo del presupuesto de que el abordaje de los procesos de producción discursiva e innovación conceptual aporta a la comprensión de la conformación y desarrollo del campo educativo.
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El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo fundamental realizar un aporte a las discusiones político-intelectuales del campo educativo en América Latina y el Caribe en el período que media entre los años 1976 y 1992. Desde una perspectiva del estudio de las ideas político-pedagógicas interesa explorar los contenidos, categorías teóricas, temas y problemáticas que caracterizaron la producción discursiva de los organismos internacionales, en tanto segmento constitutivo del campo intelectual de la educación. En términos empíricos, se estudiarán desde una perspectiva comparada y contrastativa tres producciones documentales fundamentales para América Latina y el Caribe llevadas a cabo por un conjunto de organismos internacionales: el Proyecto Desarrollo y Educación en América Latina y el Caribe (UNESCO-CEPAL-PNUD) de 1976-1981, el Proyecto Principal de Educación para América Latina y el Caribe considerado entre los años 1981-1989 (UNESCO) y por último; el Documento Educación y Conocimiento: ejes de la transformación productiva con equidad de 1992 (UNESCO-CEPAL). En suma, este trabajo pretende efectuar una contribución a la historia reciente del campo intelectual de la educación -que ciertamente cuenta con muy pocas investigaciones al respecto-, partiendo del presupuesto de que el abordaje de los procesos de producción discursiva e innovación conceptual aporta a la comprensión de la conformación y desarrollo del campo educativo.
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El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo fundamental realizar un aporte a las discusiones político-intelectuales del campo educativo en América Latina y el Caribe en el período que media entre los años 1976 y 1992. Desde una perspectiva del estudio de las ideas político-pedagógicas interesa explorar los contenidos, categorías teóricas, temas y problemáticas que caracterizaron la producción discursiva de los organismos internacionales, en tanto segmento constitutivo del campo intelectual de la educación. En términos empíricos, se estudiarán desde una perspectiva comparada y contrastativa tres producciones documentales fundamentales para América Latina y el Caribe llevadas a cabo por un conjunto de organismos internacionales: el Proyecto Desarrollo y Educación en América Latina y el Caribe (UNESCO-CEPAL-PNUD) de 1976-1981, el Proyecto Principal de Educación para América Latina y el Caribe considerado entre los años 1981-1989 (UNESCO) y por último; el Documento Educación y Conocimiento: ejes de la transformación productiva con equidad de 1992 (UNESCO-CEPAL). En suma, este trabajo pretende efectuar una contribución a la historia reciente del campo intelectual de la educación -que ciertamente cuenta con muy pocas investigaciones al respecto-, partiendo del presupuesto de que el abordaje de los procesos de producción discursiva e innovación conceptual aporta a la comprensión de la conformación y desarrollo del campo educativo.
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Bibliography: v. 1, p. xi-xiii.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Ibrahim Kemura. The Muslim Cultural-Educational Society Narodna uzdanica from 1923/4 to 1941 One of the features of the cultural history of the Bosniacs between the two world wars (1918-1941) was a cultural and educational society named Narodna uzdanica, which was a significant institutional and cultural-intellectual centre of the Bosniac people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Narodna uzdanica expressed the aspirations and needs of the Bosniac citizens who were its main support and axis and was aimed at fulfilling their interests. This was reflected in an ideological-cultural orientation towards the West and the adoption of positive western achievements while at the same time stressing its Slavic origins and individuality, the education of young people and the formation of a European-type civic intelligentsia, adaptation to life in capitalist society, the development of modern trade and crafts, the emancipation of women, and cultural education based on European values. Thus conceived, the programme enjoyed the support of a wider circle of members, the reading public and the cultural consumers of those particular elements such as education and economic prosperity which it sought to achieve. The political involvement of Narodna uzdanica and its use as a platform for the leading Bosniac political party Jugoslovenska muslimanska organizacija (JMO - Yugoslav Muslim Organisation) which had founded the society, played a significant role in the socio-political life and development of Bosniacs. The opposition to the ruling regime, often expressed through close cooperation with similar Croat organisations and through the pro-Croat attitude of some of the society's leading figures, offered both the regime and Narodna uzdanica's political adversaries grounds for describing it as separatist and Croat and served as a pretext for repressive measures to hinder its normal operations. This research proved these accusations to be groundless, showing that the pro-Croat orientation was primarily political and cultural and that throughout its existence Narodna uzdanica was active in the cultural and educational renaissance of Bosniacs, helping to strengthen their national identity.
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The project is working towards building an understanding of the personal interests and experiences of children with the aim of designing appropriate, usable and, most importantly, inspirational educational technology. kidprobe, an adaptation of the technology probe concept, has been used as a lightweight method of gaining contextual information about children's interactions with 'fun' technology. kidprobe has produced design inspiration which focuses primarily on the social and emotional connections children made. The use of kidprobe has generated some important ideas for improving the use of probes with children. It is an important first step in understanding how to effectively adapt probing techniques to inspire the design of technology for children.
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In the first chapter, “Political power and the influence of minorities: theory and evidence from Italy”, I analyze the relationship between minority and majority in politics, and how it can influence policy outcomes. I first present a theoretical model describing the possible consequences of an increase in a minority’s political power and show how it can increase difficulties in reaching a compromise on policy outcomes between parties. Furthermore, I empirically test these implications by exploiting the introduction in 2012 of a gender quota in Italian local elections: the increase in female politicians had heterogeneous effects on the level of funding for daycare, based on its differential effects on the share of women councillors. The second chapter, “Marriage patterns and the gender gap in labor force participation: evidence from Italy”, presents evidence highlighting a new possible determinant of the large gender gap in the Italian labor force: endogamy intensity. I argue that endogamy helps preserve social norms stigmatizing working women and reduces the probability of divorce, which disincentivizes women’s participation in the labor force. Endogamy is proxied by the degree of concentration of its surnames’ distribution, and I provide evidence that a more intense custom of endogamy contributed to enlarging gender participation gaps across Italian municipalities in 2001. The third chapter, “Information and quality of politicians: is transparency helping voters?”, studies how voting choices are affected by giving voters more personal information on candidates. I exploit the introduction of the “Spazzacorrotti” law in Italy in 2019, which imposed candidates at local elections to publish their CVs and criminal records before elections. I find no effects on elected candidates’ age, gender, educational level, or ideology. Moreover, I present anecdotal evidence that candidates with a criminal record received fewer votes on average, but only in the case of local media exposing it.
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
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This article is an introduction to the special issue of Sexuality Research & Social Policy, where we share some of the research of our project, ""Relations among 'race,' sexuality and gender in different local and national contexts."" The goal of this project was to develop broad comparative research on race, sexuality, and gender in Brazil, South Africa, and the USA. New signs of identity and contestation were noted during our research. Given the numerous and important changes which are currently in progress in these interlinked fields, we identified important connections between transformations in the symbolic order and social gains, which cannot necessarily be converted into more widespread decreases in social inequality or which can break apart forms of hierarchization and exclusion. The results of our studies in South Africa and Brazil are the focus of this special issue, given that these two contexts are less well known by the American public.
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This article discusses Brazil's multilateral policy under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's administration, highlighting economic, political and environmental themes. The main argument is that Brazil's multilateral relations during this government reached a new significance with the reinforcement of international coalitions and the articulation with the country's new development model. The country has been using multilateral forums as a way to achieve international projection and support for its development project, highlighting bargaining aspects, variable geometry coalitions and the strengthening of South-South cooperation
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The rise of large developing countries has led to considerable discussions of re-balancing global relations and giving greater priority to understanding South-South relations. This paper, in exploring the central ideas of Chinese and Brazilian foreign policy and the behavior of these two rising Southern countries toward Sub-Saharan Africa, argues that the English School of International Relations is well suited to understanding the intentions and actions that characterize South-South relations.